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GST in India: Impact and Challenges

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What real relief had GST brought to the masses? While the states continued to impose their taxes

Amit Pandey

Once upon a time, in the bustling land of India, the government’s chest of treasures seemed boundless, overflowing with the wealth of taxes collected from its industrious citizens. But deep within the intricate web of financial policies, one particular taxation regime stood tall—GST (Goods and Services Tax). Lauded by the authorities as the backbone of the country’s revenue, GST was introduced with promises of a streamlined and unified tax system. Yet, for the common folk, understanding its complexities was akin to deciphering an ancient, cryptic script.

The origins of GST could be traced back to an era when the Congress proposed a regime that wouldn’t exceed 18%, fostering hope for simplicity and fairness. However, as the baton was passed to the BJP, the clause was slyly omitted, leading to contentions and debates. Critics argued that the GST, touted as the panacea for economic ills, had instead evolved into a labyrinth of complications, its intricacies as enduring as the cycle of day and night.

As the dust settled, the public found themselves grappling with more questions than answers. What real relief had GST brought to the masses? While the states continued to impose their taxes, like Bengal’s sales tax, GST excluded excise and petroleum products, leading to further confusion. The nation’s citizens felt the weight of a system that seemed to burden rather than ease.

Amidst the clamor, voices rose, questioning the very essence of GST. How had it simplified the lives of common people? Did it alleviate the pressures of daily expenses or merely add to the already substantial tax burden? With essential items like petroleum products remaining outside its purview, did GST truly offer the comprehensive solution it promised?

State governments, too, wielded their power to levy taxes—property tax, stamp duty, electricity duty, and more—adding to the intricate tapestry of fiscal responsibilities. The question echoed louder: why, despite paying more than 60% of their income in taxes, did citizens still witness a lack of significant investment in education, research, and youth employment?

As the narrative unfolded, the GST’s shortcomings became evident. The absence of relief measures and the persistence of state-specific taxes painted a picture of disarray. The common man, burdened by rising GST rates that could reach a staggering 28%, found themselves questioning the very foundations of governance. How had a tool meant to unite and simplify become a device that wrenched the public’s hard-earned money?

In the heart of the story lay the unanswered questions: Why was the original proposal’s simplicity discarded? Why did the government’s discretionary power to alter GST rates persist? And most importantly, how had a system designed to benefit the populace transformed into a convoluted ordeal?

As the tale of GST continued to unfold, the voices of the people remained steadfast, demanding clarity, fairness, and a taxation regime that genuinely served the needs of the many rather than the few. The story of GST, with its complexities and controversies, remained a chapter yet to be fully understood and resolved.

Revenue Trends and Growth

Since its inception, GST has become a pivotal component of the Indian government’s revenue system. Empirical studies have indicated that GST revenue has a positive impact on the country’s economic growth in both the short and long term. For instance, research utilizing data from August 2017 to March 2024 demonstrated that GST revenue positively influences India’s economic growth. However, despite its revenue-generating potential, there remain concerns about the structure of taxation and its impact on economic inequality.

GST collections have witnessed significant fluctuations over the years, often reflecting broader economic trends such as demonetization, the COVID-19 pandemic, and inflationary pressures. According to government data, the GST revenue in 2023-24 consistently exceeded Rs. 1.5 lakh crore per month, signaling strong compliance and economic recovery. However, revenue buoyancy has been uneven, with concerns raised about tax evasion and revenue leakages.

The revenue distribution between the Centre and states has also been a contentious issue. The GST compensation to states, initially assured for five years, ended in June 2022, leading to financial stress in several states. States such as Punjab and West Bengal have demanded an extension of compensation, arguing that GST has not entirely replaced their lost revenue streams.

One of the major concerns associated with GST has been its inflationary impact. While GST aimed to reduce the cascading effect of taxes, multiple slabs have led to price fluctuations in various sectors. Essential goods, such as milk and food grains, have been exempted, but other necessary items such as bicycles and sanitary napkins have seen higher tax rates.

Economists argue that GST has disproportionately affected lower-income households, as indirect taxes constitute a larger share of their consumption expenditure. On the other hand, businesses have experienced reduced logistical costs due to the removal of interstate tax barriers, enhancing efficiency in the supply chain.

The implementation of GST has been a subject of intense political debate. The Indian National Congress (INC), which initially proposed the GST framework, later criticized its execution under the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP)-led government. The INC advocated for a simplified GST with a standard rate capped at 18% and the establishment of an independent dispute resolution mechanism. Senior Congress leader P. Chidambaram emphasized the need for a single-rate GST, arguing that multiple slabs defeat the purpose of simplification.

 Opposition and Critique

Several state governments, particularly those ruled by non-BJP parties, have raised concerns about the federal structure of GST. Kerala, Tamil Nadu, and West Bengal have repeatedly voiced concerns about revenue loss and central control over taxation policies. These states argue that the GST Council, dominated by the Centre, often does not accommodate regional economic disparities.

Former Prime Minister Dr. Manmohan Singh also expressed concerns about the GST’s design and implementation. He described the GST in its current form as a “fraud,” highlighting that it deviated from the original vision of a simple and unified tax structure. Dr. Singh warned that the hasty implementation could disrupt the informal economy and adversely affect small businesses.

Furthermore, the BJP government has faced criticism for making frequent modifications to GST rates. Over 400 changes have been made since its launch, leading to policy uncertainty and confusion among businesses. Critics argue that such frequent revisions indicate poor initial planning and a lack of long-term vision.

From the perspective of the common citizen, GST’s impact has been multifaceted. While the elimination of multiple taxes has simplified the tax structure, the imposition of GST on essential commodities has raised concerns about increased living costs.

Burden on Small and Medium Enterprises (SMEs)

The compliance burden on small and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs) has been significant. The requirement for regular filings and the complexity of the tax slabs have posed challenges for businesses with limited resources, leading to calls for further simplification and support mechanisms.

Many small traders have struggled to adapt to the digital filing system required for GST. The introduction of the e-invoicing system, aimed at reducing tax evasion, has further complicated compliance for businesses with low digital literacy. Additionally, the late refund of input tax credit (ITC) has led to working capital issues, forcing many small businesses into financial distress.

Employment and Informal Sector Impact

The introduction of GST significantly disrupted India’s vast informal economy. Before GST, many small traders operated outside the formal tax net. However, the requirement to register under GST has forced businesses to either comply or shut down. This has led to job losses, particularly in sectors such as textiles, handicrafts, and small-scale manufacturing.

The textile industry, which employs millions of workers, has faced challenges due to the imposition of GST on raw materials like synthetic fiber. Similarly, the handloom and handicraft sectors have struggled to cope with taxation that did not previously exist, leading to fears about cultural and artisanal decline.

Despite the government’s efforts to increase revenue through GST and other taxes, concerns have been raised about the allocation of these funds. Critics argue that despite substantial tax collections, there has been inadequate investment in critical sectors such as research, education, and youth employment.

Growing Fiscal Deficit and Debt Burden

The GST system has failed to fully replace previous revenue streams, leading the government to rely on increased borrowing. India’s fiscal deficit remains a key concern, with public debt reaching Rs. 196 lakh crore. Economists argue that while GST has boosted revenue, the government’s expenditure on welfare schemes, infrastructure, and defense has escalated, exacerbating the fiscal deficit.

Some experts believe that GST collections should be linked directly to developmental projects, ensuring that funds are utilized efficiently. However, the lack of transparency in fund allocation has raised concerns about mismanagement and inefficiencies in public spending.

 Reforms and Way Forward

For GST to truly achieve its potential, certain reforms are necessary.

Single-Rate Structure and Rationalization

Economists and policymakers have long advocated for a single-rate GST structure to simplify compliance and enhance transparency. Countries such as Australia and Singapore have successfully implemented a uniform GST rate, reducing classification disputes and improving tax efficiency.

The GST Council has hinted at the possibility of merging the 12% and 18% slabs, but no concrete decision has been made. A more streamlined approach with a single rate for most goods and a higher rate for luxury items could improve compliance and ease the burden on businesses.

Enhanced Digital Infrastructure

While GST has increased digitization, further improvements in the GST Network (GSTN) are needed. The frequent technical glitches on the GST portal have frustrated taxpayers, leading to delays in filing returns. Upgrading the IT infrastructure and providing better digital literacy support to small businesses can enhance compliance rates.

Addressing State Concerns

A more equitable revenue-sharing model is needed to address concerns raised by states. The reintroduction of compensation or alternative revenue mechanisms should be explored to ensure that states do not bear disproportionate financial burdens.

The implementation of GST in India represents a landmark reform with the potential to unify the national market and enhance economic efficiency. However, its journey has been accompanied by challenges related to complexity, compliance, and socio-economic impacts. Continuous engagement with stakeholders, periodic reviews of tax rates, and a commitment to simplification are essential to ensure that GST realizes its foundational objectives and equitably benefits all segments of society.

( Author is Managing editor of The Emerging World)

Why AAP-ruled Delhi gives all Lok Sabha seats to BJP?

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Manoj Kumar Pathak

In the run-up to the 2024 Lok Sabha elections, let us ponder over the electoral mood of the national capital’s voters. The Emerging World’s analysis of all the recently held pre-poll surveys suggests all seven Delhi seats would go to the BJP if elections were held today. Now the question arises, Why do Delhi seats go to the BJP despite the AAP winning the Assembly polls decisively? Why does a state that has overwhelmingly voted for the Aam Aadmi Party (AAP) in two consecutive Assembly polls give all the Lok Sabha seats to the BJP? Experts say there are several factors at play.


The AAP made its debut in the 2013 Delhi election and managed to get 28 of the 70 Assembly seats. It formed a government in alliance with the Congress that didn’t last a full five-year term. In the elections of 2015 and 2020, the AAP won 67 and 62 seats, respectively.
The BJP, however, won all the seven Lok Sabha seats of Delhi in both 2014 and 2019. Despite a would-be Congress-AAP alliance, the pre-poll surveys show the BJP getting 57% of the vote share in Delhi. The AAP-Congress coalition if materializes, which would fare well in Punjab, fails to dent the BJP’s seats in Delhi.


“Punjab’s demographic composition is different from Delhi’s. It has always had an uneasy relationship with the Centre, even when the Congress party was in power in the 1970s and 80s,” Piyush Gautam, a poll analyst said. “This alliance [between the Congress and the AAP] in both Delhi and Punjab is not easy. Because in Punjab, AAP feels that they can gain these seats even without the Congress. So, you have seen the CM of Punjab making statements that we don’t need to have an alliance. And in Delhi, even if they come together, they will not be able to make any dent,” adds Gautam.


Why do two states give such different results with the same combination? One of the factors is different voting patterns in Assembly and parliamentary elections. “It’s a split vote, and it’s happening across India, across all the states. Every state, if you look into the vote share of the last assembly and the last Lok Sabha, you will see somewhere between 10% to 25% jump in favor of the BJP in Lok Sabha elections,” said Satyendra Singh, a political commentator.


There is an additional factor at work in Delhi that swings votes in favor of AAP in Assembly polls but doesn’t work for it in the Lok Sabha polls, according to political analyst Ramendra Dwivedi. “Delhi’s story is very simple. It is due to the Muslim vote that swings. In Assembly elections, Muslim votes tend to favor Arvind Kejriwal’s party, and in the Lok Sabha elections, they favor the Congress. So that is why there is a kind of mismatch,” Dwivedi said. Going by that logic, the seats of Chandni Chowk or East Delhi, where the minorities are in big numbers, could be foul areas of the Congress and the AAP. They can come together and put up a tough fight for the BJP.


However, what needs to be kept in mind is that the minority factor comes into play in Assembly elections because Assembly constituencies are smaller, and the numbers are enough to decide the fate of the seats. That isn’t the case in the Lok Sabha polls. Experts say that after the delimitation process of 2008, the entire composition of the Delhi seats has changed. In Delhi, there is not even a single Lok Sabha seat now that can be decided by voters of the minority community, according to the experts on The Emerging World.


Apart from that, the Modi factor plays an important role in the Lok Sabha election in Delhi like it does in most other places. That helps in the consolidation of votes for the BJP. The other reason could be that the people of Delhi still see the AAP as a regional party despite its efforts to grow in several states. So, multiple factors make Delhi seats go to the Aam Aadmi Party in Assembly polls but to the BJP in the Lok Sabha polls. That would even be the case if the 2024 Lok Sabha polls were held today or later on.


Another renowned political analyst Jeev Kant Jha said,’ Whether it will be a triangular fight or a direct contest with a single I.N.D.I.A candidate in each Lok Sabha seat in Delhi, the BJP is confident of maintaining its dominance over all seven Lok Sabha constituencies in the national capital for the third consecutive time.’ The party’s eagerness to maintain a 7-0 track record stems from its recent Assembly election victories and the discordant signals emerging from the rival I.N.D.I.A bloc on seat-sharing.

The AAP and the Congress are still determining the seats on which they will fight against the BJP, meaning that only one opposition candidate will face each BJP candidate. However, the buzz is that the AAP wants the Congress to fight on only two seats, while the Congress is keen on contesting at least three. If the seat-sharing talks fail, the two may be forced to go it alone on all seven seats.
BJP national vice president and Delhi unit in charge Baijayant Panda said that the BJP’s win in the recent assembly elections in Hindi heartland states has created a positive atmosphere for the party, and there should be no doubts about the results of the Lok Sabha elections.


“We are winning all seven seats in Delhi, but we will have to make efforts to increase the victory margin, for which we will have to contact the beneficiaries of the Central government schemes and talk to them,” said Panda. A source inside the I.N.D.I.A bloc said, “The contrast seen between the alliances in the recent elections raises many questions about whether it will continue till the Lok Sabha election or not.”
Psephologist Sanjay Dubey said that there is constant friction within the opposition alliance and the people who make decision for the I.N.D.I.A bloc has to take control of the alliance. Dubey added, “If they are agreeing upon it, then there should be further concrete steps. If there is a cricket team and there is no captain, who will give direction to the team?”

Stunning Jewelry Trends That Are Poised to Take Over in 2022

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Red is Red hot now-a-days

What’s the  the chicest way to add the cherry on top of any look? Jewelry, of course! Bits, bobbles, bracelets, and earrings—there’s a lot to love about these swoon-worthy accessories. And lucky for you, we’ve been checking out all the stunning jewelry trends are going to be taking over 2022. Safe to say, you’re going to love what’s coming (trust).

From bright colors and bold statement earrings to cute and and seriously fun charms, there’s something for every jewel lover out there. 

To give you a peek, we’ve rounded up the best jewelry trends you’ll be seeing everywhere next year. 

Congress stages protest over the Pegasus row in front of Raj Bhawan

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Ranchi: Demanding a Supreme Court-monitored judicial inquiry in the espionage case regarding hacking of phones of opposition leaders, senior military officials, election commissioners, journalists and some other dignitaries through the Israeli spyware Pegasus leaders and workers of Jharkhand Pradesh Congress Committee demonstrated in front of the Raj Bhawan on Thursday demanding the resignation of Home Minister Amit Shah.

Under the leadership of State Congress President Dr Rameshwar Oraon a small protest was held in front of the Raj Bhawan. The party had postponed the march and procession in the wake of the instructions received regarding the corona guidelines.

Addressing the event state Congress President Dr Rameshwar Oraon said that monitoring of opponents and hacking of phones by the central government through the Israeli spyware Pegasus is completely unconstitutional and illegal, it also violates the powers conferred under Article 21. Central government had encroached into ones private space, therefore the Supreme Court should take suo moto cognizance of this matter and order a judicial inquiry, he said, adding that there is talk of investigation of such immoral acts in other countries as well.

He said that this espionage work is possible only at the behest of the Prime Minister. The BJP-led central government, finding itself weak is engaged in spying on the opponents he said, adding that it was through this that work was done to break the governments in Karnataka and Madhya Pradesh whereas the Israeli government clearly says that it can be used only and only by the government to curb terrorist and criminal activities.

(EW correspondent)

Make in India or Depend on Foreign Tech?

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The Dilemma of Indian IT

Amit Pandey

India’s technology sector, often celebrated as a global IT powerhouse, has predominantly built its success on service-oriented models rather than groundbreaking innovations. This trend has raised concerns among industry experts and policymakers about the nation’s technological self-reliance and its aspirations to become a “Vishwaguru” or world leader in technology.

A recent development that underscores this issue is the partnership between India’s leading telecom companies, Reliance Jio and Bharti Airtel, with Elon Musk’s SpaceX to bring Starlink’s satellite internet services to India. Announced in March 2025, these collaborations aim to provide high-speed internet access, especially in remote and rural areas, leveraging Starlink’s satellite technology .

This move, however, raises critical questions about the capabilities and ambitions of Indian tech giants. Why did these companies feel the need to partner with a foreign entity like Starlink? Does this indicate an inability to develop indigenous solutions that can compete on a global scale? Such partnerships suggest a reliance on external technologies, highlighting a gap in domestic innovation.

Historically, Indian IT companies such as Tata Consultancy Services (TCS), Infosys, Wipro, HCL Technologies, and Tech Mahindra have focused primarily on IT services and outsourcing. While this strategy has driven significant economic growth, it has also led to a limited emphasis on research and development (R&D). According to the Department of Science & Technology’s Research and Development Statistics for 2019-20, the contribution of the IT sector to India’s Gross Domestic Expenditure on R&D (GERD) has been relatively low .

This risk-averse approach raises concerns about the long-term sustainability of India’s position in the global tech arena. Are these companies prioritizing short-term profits over long-term innovation? By focusing on low-risk service models, are they neglecting opportunities to invest in high-risk, high-reward research that could lead to groundbreaking technologies?

The government’s role in this scenario is also crucial. Despite providing various incentives such as tax deductions, subsidies, and policy support to promote initiatives like “Make in India,” there has been limited success in fostering indigenous technological innovation. For instance, while the “Make in India” initiative aimed to transform India into a global manufacturing hub, its impact on the IT sector’s innovation capabilities has been minimal. This raises questions about the effectiveness of such policies and the accountability of corporations benefiting from them.

The recent partnerships with Starlink have also sparked political debates. Some opposition leaders have criticized these deals, suggesting they may have geopolitical implications. For example, Congress leader Jairam Ramesh alleged that these partnerships were orchestrated to “buy peace” with the United States, given Elon Musk’s close ties with the U.S. administration. Such claims, whether substantiated or not, add another layer of complexity to the discourse on India’s technological autonomy.

Furthermore, concerns about national security have been raised. The Communist Party of India (Marxist) expressed apprehensions regarding potential security risks associated with allowing a foreign entity like Starlink to operate in India’s critical communication infrastructure  These concerns highlight the delicate balance between embracing global technological advancements and safeguarding national interests.

In conclusion, the reliance on foreign technology, exemplified by the recent Starlink partnerships, underscores the need for a strategic shift in India’s tech industry. Indian IT giants must move beyond their traditional service-oriented models and invest in R&D to develop indigenous technologies. The government, on its part, should reassess its policies to ensure that incentives lead to tangible innovations. Only through such concerted efforts can India aspire to become a true “Vishwaguru” in technology, reducing dependency on external entities and enhancing its global standing.

Title 1: The Grand Illusion of Indian Tech Giants: Service Providers, Not Innovators

When Union IT Minister Ashwini Vaishnaw recently criticized Indian tech companies for being mere service providers rather than innovators, his remark resonated with those who have long questioned India’s lack of technological breakthroughs. Despite a massive IT workforce and government-backed initiatives, India remains a follower rather than a leader in the global technology sector. The question is: Why?

India’s IT boom began in the 1990s, driven by outsourcing from Western nations. Companies like Tata Consultancy Services (TCS), Infosys, Wipro, HCL Technologies, and Tech Mahindra capitalized on the demand for cost-effective software solutions. However, while global giants like Microsoft, Google, and Apple invested in research and development (R&D), Indian firms chose the safer route: service-based models that guaranteed profits but required minimal innovation. The National Association of Software and Service Companies (NASSCOM) reports exponential growth in India’s IT exports, yet the sector’s contribution to groundbreaking advancements remains negligible.

A stark comparison can be drawn with China and South Korea. Huawei has heavily invested in 5G technology, and Samsung has revolutionized semiconductor manufacturing. In contrast, Indian firms rely on government-backed schemes like “Make in India” without taking the risks necessary for pioneering technology. The government’s tax reductions, corporate bailouts, and loan write-offs have fostered complacency, ensuring these companies’ survival without demanding technological progress.


A Global Competition Crisis

Elon Musk’s Starlink recently partnered with Indian telecom giants Jio and Airtel to introduce satellite internet services. Instead of developing indigenous alternatives, Indian firms opted to act as intermediaries, further exposing their inability to compete globally. This raises a critical question: If Indian tech firms are so reliant on foreign innovation, can India ever claim to be a technological powerhouse?

Airtel and Jio collectively serve over 540 million consumers in India. With such an extensive market, why haven’t these firms invested in their own satellite-based communication networks? The answer lies in their risk-averse approach. Service-based models ensure steady revenue without the uncertainty of R&D. Developing satellite communication technology requires years of investment, strategic risk-taking, and commitment—something Indian companies systematically avoid.

This over-reliance on foreign technology is not just a business failure; it has geopolitical and security implications. A country that imports its critical communication infrastructure exposes itself to cybersecurity vulnerabilities. In 2023, the Uttarakhand government’s Integrated Management Financial System (IMFS) site was hacked due to outdated, pirated software procured at exorbitant costs. According to sources, the software was purchased by a government-appointed committee at a highly inflated price, only to later discover it was a pirated version. Even a moderately skilled hacker could breach it, yet the government accepted the purchase. When the hack occurred, why weren’t the responsible officials held accountable? Why weren’t the companies involved called for questioning? This incident exposes a nexus where officials and tech firms exploit government funds without scrutiny.

Multiple state governments face similar issues, where outdated and overpriced technology is procured, leading to massive financial losses. The Madhya Pradesh government faced a similar cybersecurity breach in 2022, yet no structural reforms followed. Without audits or penalties, companies selling faulty software continue to thrive under government contracts. This nexus between the government and corporate entities prevents India from achieving true technological self-reliance.


The Myth of “Make in India”

One of the biggest deceptions in India’s tech landscape is the illusion of “Make in India.” While the initiative was designed to encourage domestic manufacturing, it has largely resulted in India becoming an assembler rather than a manufacturer of technology. A prime example is the LED bulb industry, aggressively promoted as an energy-saving revolution. Indian companies like Philips and Surya benefited from tax cuts and subsidies, but a deeper look into the supply chain reveals a troubling reality.

In 2018, European markets rejected large shipments of LED bulbs due to quality concerns, leading these companies to dump the products into the Indian market at inflated prices. This raises serious concerns: Is India becoming a dumping ground for outdated and rejected technology from developed nations? Are Indian consumers unknowingly paying a premium for substandard products under the guise of innovation?

This culture of assembling extends beyond LED bulbs. India’s electronics industry is heavily dependent on Chinese imports, with over 80% of components used in smartphones, laptops, and other devices sourced from China. Despite government attempts to promote indigenous semiconductor manufacturing, India has made little progress in establishing a self-sufficient ecosystem. The global chip shortage further exposed India’s vulnerability, as domestic manufacturers scrambled to meet demand without the infrastructure to produce critical components.

Even in areas where India has made strides, such as space technology with ISRO, the involvement of private Indian tech companies remains minimal. Unlike SpaceX, which has revolutionized space exploration, Indian firms have shown little interest in pushing boundaries beyond government contracts.


What Must Change?

The fundamental problem lies in the lack of accountability and vision among Indian tech giants. These companies have benefitted immensely from government incentives but have failed to contribute to technological progress. To address this, the following steps must be taken immediately:

  1. Conditional Government Funding: Financial incentives should be tied to R&D investments. Companies must dedicate a fixed percentage of revenue to innovation.
  2. Public-Private Collaboration: The government must actively partner with private firms to develop indigenous alternatives in AI, semiconductors, and cybersecurity.
  3. Reduction in Import Dependence: India must enforce stricter policies to limit foreign technology imports unless no domestic alternatives exist.
  4. Corporate Accountability: IT firms must be held responsible for utilizing government benefits effectively. Companies that fail to innovate should face penalties rather than additional subsidies.

The narrative of India as a “Vishwa Guru” in technology remains political rhetoric. Without concrete action to push Indian companies toward self-reliance in innovation, India will remain a service-oriented economy rather than a technological leader. The time for complacency is over—India must shift from being a passive consumer of global technology to an active contributor to the digital future.

( Author is Managing Editor Of The Emerging World)

PM CARES Fund: A Billion-Dollar Black Box or a Lifeline?

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Amit Pandey

legal status as a separate entity with its own set of guidelines and rules. This decision did little to assuage concerns about the fund’s transparency, and critics argue that this move further entrenched the secrecy surrounding its operations.

The government’s justification for maintaining this separate fund is that it enables faster relief. While this argument holds weight in theory, the lack of oversight and accountability raises red flags. When a massive amount of public money is involved, it’s essential that there be systems in place to ensure that the funds are being used appropriately and effectively.

The Political Implications: A Trust or a Tool for Control?

The most intriguing aspect of the PM CARES Fund is the political control it offers to those in power. With just three key political figures controlling the fund, there is an undeniable sense of centralization and consolidation of power. Critics argue that this concentration of control over such a large sum of money could be used to further political agendas, particularly in an election year.

Moreover, the fund has become a symbol of the growing gulf between the political elite and the common man. While politicians and big businesses have had a direct hand in shaping the flow of funds, ordinary citizens remain out of the loop. They are left with only the government’s word that the money is being used for its intended purpose. But without the necessary checks and balances, that word means little.

The PM CARES Fund is undoubtedly one of the most significant financial initiatives in recent Indian history, raising billions of rupees in a matter of months. While its intention—to provide relief during emergencies—is commendable, the way it has been handled leaves much to be desired. The lack of transparency, the absence of public scrutiny, and the concentration of control in the hands of a few individuals raise serious concerns.

Whether the PM CARES Fund will continue to be a lifeline for millions or become an emblem of governmental opacity and mismanagement remains to be seen. However, what is clear is that until the fund’s workings are opened up to public scrutiny, the questions surrounding its legitimacy will continue to overshadow its potential to help those in need.

In the end, transparency isn’t just about giving people access to numbers and figures; it’s about fostering trust. And until that trust is restored, the PM CARES Fund will remain a black box—a tool for relief or a political chess piece, only time will tell.

( Author is Managing Editor of The Emerging World)

Rahul Gandhi’s Bold New Political Line: Crafting Alliances with Fear and Strategy

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Ravindra Ojha

The political horizon of India has always been an unpredictable playground, where alliances, rivalries, and ideological shifts dictate the flow of power. In this ever-changing arena, it is not just the policies or manifestos that drive the narrative but also the strategies that leaders deploy to maintain relevance and command influence. In this context, Rahul Gandhi, the scion of the Congress Party, seems to have found a new “political line” post the Delhi elections, which may just turn out to be the game-changer he’s been seeking for years. But is it really a new beginning, or is it just an attempt to salvage what remains of a crumbling legacy?

The Emergence of a New Strategy

The Delhi Assembly elections marked a significant point in Indian politics, not just because of Arvind Kejriwal’s landslide victory, but also because of the Congress Party’s humiliating defeat. It was during this period that Rahul Gandhi seemed to recalibrate his approach towards alliances and leadership. His new political line involves the idea of bringing his ‘ally’ parties, who have thrived on Congress’s turf, into the fold by enforcing discipline, something that Congress seemed to have lost over the years. The idea is simple yet compelling: control the narrative and make the allies fall in line, ensuring that they abide by Congress’s rules.

But Rahul Gandhi’s strategy is not just about internal management; it is about ensuring that the stakes are high for everyone. For allies like the RJD, the Shiv Sena, or the NCP, Congress’s survival in the opposition bloc means political survival for them too. The key to enforcing this control, Rahul seems to believe, lies in the threat of electoral defeat. Just as he framed it: “When there is a fear of losing, even the mightiest of political players start following the rules.” This statement is a subtle admission of Congress’s current lack of power and influence, but at the same time, it points to a cunning realization. Congress, with nothing left to lose, is ready to play hardball.

The Congress Party, for years, has been the elephant in the room in Indian politics. It used to set the tone for political debates and policy decisions. But with the rise of the BJP, the decline of the UPA coalition, and internal party infighting, Congress has been relegated to a position of insignificance in the national arena. This, however, has also led to a paradoxical situation. When you have nothing to lose, you can afford to play a different kind of game. 

Rahul Gandhi, like many of his predecessors, has realized that Congress cannot continue to operate in the same manner. The fear of defeat, it seems, has been replaced by a sense of liberation. Now, Congress has nothing left to protect except its future relevance. This is why Rahul has been shifting his focus from trying to outdo Narendra Modi’s BJP to recalibrating the power dynamics within the opposition itself. A key part of this recalibration is making sure that regional parties, who have grown by exploiting Congress’s weakness, understand that they can no longer operate on their own terms.

What does this mean in practical terms? It means that Congress has stopped playing the conciliatory game with its allies. If they want Congress’s support, they will have to respect its conditions. The rhetoric may sound harsh, but it’s not without its merit. The question, however, is whether the likes of Nitish Kumar, Lalu Yadav, and others will be ready to accept this new power dynamic.

 The Bihar Gambit: Rahul Gandhi’s Challenge to Lalu Yadav

Bihar presents a crucial test for Rahul Gandhi’s new political strategy. Bihar, once a Congress bastion, saw its fortunes plummet in the face of Lalu Yadav’s RJD and Nitish Kumar’s JD(U). In the 2019 elections, Congress was reduced to a shadow of its former self in Bihar, thanks to the unrelenting grip of Lalu Yadav’s political machinery. For Rahul, it’s not just about reclaiming Congress’s position in Bihar; it’s about challenging the very people who have relegated Congress to a non-entity in the state. 

In this new phase, Congress has thrown the gauntlet down by appointing Rajesh Kumar, a Dalit MLA, as the new Bihar Congress president. The symbolic nature of this move is not lost on anyone. By giving power to a Dalit leader, Rahul Gandhi is signaling a shift in Congress’s approach towards caste-based politics. But the real challenge lies in whether Lalu Yadav, the master of caste politics, will allow this shift to occur. Lalu, who has been instrumental in Congress’s downfall in Bihar, is unlikely to roll over without a fight.

The question arises: will Lalu Yadav accept Rahul Gandhi’s terms for an equitable partnership, or will he resist it with all the political capital he has amassed over the years? The calculus for Lalu is simple: Congress has no real power left in Bihar, and it needs his political machinery to win anything. For Lalu, any concession to Rahul could mean losing his dominant position in the state. However, the fear of BJP’s growing clout in Bihar may push Lalu to rethink his stance. If the BJP consolidates its position in Bihar further, it could endanger not only Congress’s future but Lalu’s as well. This is where Rahul’s calculated approach could work in his favor.

Rahul Gandhi’s approach is undoubtedly risky. By making fear of defeat the centerpiece of his strategy, he is relying on the assumption that allies and opposition parties alike will be driven by a fear of losing power. The danger here lies in the fact that fear can often lead to irrational decisions. If allies like Lalu or Nitish feel cornered, they might just break away from Congress, taking their political base with them. The trick for Rahul is to ensure that the fear of losing to the BJP outweighs the fear of losing power within the opposition bloc.

This brings us to the larger picture of Indian politics. For too long, the narrative has been driven by polarizing figures like Narendra Modi and Amit Shah. Rahul Gandhi’s newfound strategy is an attempt to shift that narrative back into Congress’s hands. But whether or not it succeeds depends largely on whether he can convince the fractured opposition that Congress is the only viable counterweight to the BJP. And more importantly, whether he can control his own party’s internal disarray.

The Road Ahead: A Complicated Game

Rahul Gandhi’s new political line is an interesting development in the Indian political scene. On the one hand, it represents a tactical shift towards stronger leadership and internal discipline. On the other hand, it also risks alienating allies who may feel that Congress is overplaying its hand. With regional parties like the TMC and AAP looking to carve out their own space in the opposition, Congress’s position as the unifying force in the anti-BJP bloc is far from assured.

But one thing is certain: Rahul Gandhi’s new approach is bound to shake things up. Whether it leads to a successful resurgence for Congress or ends in further fragmentation of the opposition, only time will tell. But one thing is clear: in the volatile world of Indian politics, Rahul Gandhi has found a way to make his voice heard again. And that, in itself, is no small achievement.

In the coming months, we can expect to see more of this high-stakes political maneuvering. The opposition, with all its cacophony and chaos, is in for a tumultuous ride. But in this political game of fear, ambition, and survival, Rahul Gandhi’s new line may just be the spark that ignites the next phase of India’s political evolution. Whether it leads to Congress’s revival or its further decline will be the ultimate test of this bold new strategy.

India-China Relations Reimagined

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Zaheer Mustafa

Prakash Karat’s recent statement advocating for fostering better India-China relations without forming a formal alliance underscores a multifaceted issue embedded within the broader context of geopolitics, domestic political considerations, economic interdependence, and historical tensions. The statement comes amidst longstanding disputes between the two nations that have been punctuated by territorial disagreements, economic dependencies, and episodes of diplomatic engagements. It merits careful analysis to unravel its implications and the layers of meaning it might carry.

India and China share a deeply complex relationship characterized by unresolved border disputes, economic interdependence, and differing political systems. Among the most contentious issues is the territorial dispute over Arunachal Pradesh and the Aksai Chin region. These disagreements, dating back to the mid-20th century, resulted in the Sino-Indian War of 1962, an event that profoundly influenced bilateral relations. More recently, the skirmishes in Galwan Valley in 2020 further highlighted the volatility and fragility of the relationship. While India has sought to strengthen its territorial claims and bolster its defense posture, China has continued to assert its own claims, creating an environment of mistrust that complicates any efforts at reconciliation.

Economically, the relationship between the two countries is marked by significant asymmetry. While India has a burgeoning economy with a diverse industrial base, it remains heavily reliant on China for certain goods and sectors. For instance, in 2024, India’s trade deficit with China reached $85.1 billion, underlining the extent of economic interdependence. This reliance is particularly pronounced in sectors like electronics, pharmaceuticals, and machinery. While economic engagement offers potential benefits, it also presents risks, as it allows China to wield considerable economic leverage. Critics argue that this dynamic could be exploited by China to advance its geopolitical objectives, particularly in the absence of trust and mutual respect.

Karat’s call for improved relations must also be viewed through the lens of India’s foreign policy objectives and its position in a multipolar world. India has historically pursued a policy of strategic autonomy, seeking to balance its relationships with major global powers without aligning too closely with any one bloc. In this context, fostering better ties with China could be seen as a pragmatic move to enhance India’s position in the global order. By engaging with China, India could potentially strengthen its negotiating position on global issues and counterbalance the influence of other powers, such as the United States. However, such engagement must be carefully calibrated to ensure that it does not compromise India’s core interests or exacerbate existing vulnerabilities.

The timing of Karat’s statement also raises questions about its political motivations. The Communist Party of India (Marxist), or CPI(M), has experienced significant setbacks in recent years, particularly in its former strongholds of West Bengal and Tripura. These electoral defeats have left the party grappling with questions about its relevance and future direction. In this context, Karat’s remarks could be interpreted as an attempt to reposition the party and align its foreign policy stance with the broader national interest. By advocating for improved relations with China, the CPI(M) may be seeking to demonstrate its pragmatism and relevance in the current political landscape.

However, the CPI(M)’s historical alignment with China adds another layer of complexity to this narrative. The party has often been perceived as ideologically sympathetic to China’s communist regime, a perception that has fueled criticism from its political opponents. Karat’s emphasis on maintaining autonomy and avoiding formal alliances could be seen as an attempt to distance the party from its ideological ties and present a more balanced and pragmatic approach to foreign policy. Whether this shift will resonate with the broader electorate and enhance the party’s political fortunes remains to be seen.

The ongoing tariff discussions between India and China further underscore the strategic calculations at play. These negotiations, which aim to address trade imbalances and reduce economic dependency, have significant implications for both countries. For India, the discussions represent an opportunity to address its trade deficit and strengthen its economic position. For China, engaging in these talks could help mitigate the impact of its own economic challenges, including deflation and a housing market crisis. Karat’s advocacy for dialogue and engagement aligns with these broader economic imperatives, highlighting the potential benefits of a more collaborative approach.

At the same time, it is essential to consider the risks associated with closer engagement with China. The unresolved border disputes and instances of aggressive behavior, such as China’s construction of infrastructure in disputed areas, underscore the challenges of building trust and fostering genuine cooperation. Additionally, China’s track record of using economic leverage to advance its geopolitical objectives raises concerns about the potential consequences of deepening economic ties without addressing the underlying issues.

Karat’s statement also reflects broader debates about India’s role in the global order and its approach to navigating a multipolar world. As emerging powers like China and India seek to assert their influence on the global stage, the dynamics of their relationship will play a crucial role in shaping the contours of the international system. By advocating for improved relations without forming an alliance, Karat underscores the importance of strategic autonomy and the need for India to chart its own course in the face of complex global challenges.

In conclusion, Prakash Karat’s call for fostering better India-China relations offers a nuanced perspective on a multifaceted issue. While his proposal aligns with the principles of strategic autonomy and pragmatism, its feasibility and implications must be carefully examined. The unresolved territorial disputes, economic dependencies, and historical tensions between the two countries present significant challenges that must be addressed to build a foundation for genuine cooperation. At the same time, the potential benefits of improved economic and diplomatic engagement cannot be overlooked, particularly in the context of a rapidly evolving global order.

Ultimately, any shift in India’s approach to China must prioritize national interests and strategic autonomy. While dialogue and engagement offer a pathway to addressing shared challenges and advancing mutual interests, they must be accompanied by a clear-eyed assessment of the risks and a commitment to safeguarding India’s core interests. As India navigates the complexities of its relationship with China, the principles of pragmatism, resilience, and strategic autonomy will remain essential in shaping its foreign policy and securing its place in a multipolar world. Karat’s statement, while rooted in political and ideological considerations, serves as a reminder of the need for a balanced and forward-looking approach to one of India’s most complex and consequential relationships. 

Arunachal’s Biodiversity Balancing Act

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Chandra Kant Sharma

Arunachal Pradesh, often described as India’s “Last Frontier,” is at a crucial juncture in balancing economic development with environmental conservation. The state is a biodiversity treasure trove, housing over 5,000 species of flowering plants, nearly 200 species of mammals, and more than 700 species of birds. However, like many ecologically rich regions, it faces the dual challenge of fostering economic growth while preserving its fragile environment. The recently unveiled Arunachal Pradesh State Biodiversity Strategy and Action Plan, also known as “A People’s Plan,” is a significant step in addressing this challenge. This initiative aligns with the broader objectives of the Pakke Declaration and offers a blueprint for sustainable development that integrates conservation with economic planning.

The Pakke Declaration, adopted by the Arunachal Pradesh government, is a visionary framework designed to ensure climate resilience, environmental conservation, and sustainable livelihoods. Unlike previous conservation policies that often operated in silos, this declaration emphasizes a holistic approach, recognizing the interconnectedness of human activities and ecological health. The unveiling of the Biodiversity Strategy and Action Plan under this framework signals a commitment to translating policy intent into actionable strategies. However, the real test lies in execution. A policy is only as strong as its implementation, and in a state like Arunachal Pradesh, where infrastructure is limited and terrain poses logistical challenges, effective execution will require unwavering political will, community participation, and a robust monitoring mechanism.

One of the most commendable aspects of the Biodiversity Action Plan is its community-centric approach. Historically, conservation efforts have often sidelined indigenous communities, treating them as obstacles rather than allies. This plan seeks to change that narrative by empowering local communities through resources, training, and incentives. Indigenous groups like the Nyishi, Apatani, and Monpa have long practiced sustainable living, preserving sacred groves and using traditional knowledge for resource management. By integrating their wisdom with modern conservation techniques, the plan acknowledges that environmental stewardship is most effective when it stems from grassroots involvement rather than top-down mandates. But skepticism remains—how much of this empowerment will be realized beyond rhetoric? The success of such an approach hinges on whether these communities are genuinely given decision-making power or are merely used as symbolic stakeholders.

Economic development is often cited as an antithesis to conservation, and Arunachal Pradesh exemplifies this struggle. The state has significant potential for hydroelectric power, road construction, and urban expansion, all of which promise economic benefits but come with substantial environmental costs. The Biodiversity Strategy and Action Plan seeks to balance these competing interests by aligning with the United Nations Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs). On paper, this alignment seems promising—ensuring that infrastructure projects incorporate environmental safeguards, promoting eco-tourism, and leveraging natural resources sustainably. However, history provides ample evidence that economic interests often override conservation concerns when push comes to shove. The Arunachal government must demonstrate that it has the political resolve to enforce environmental regulations even when they come at the cost of lucrative development projects.

Technological integration is another key pillar of the plan. The use of Geographic Information System (GIS) mapping, biodiversity databases, and scientific research partnerships is intended to enhance conservation efforts. Such tools can undoubtedly help in monitoring and managing natural resources more effectively. However, technology alone cannot compensate for systemic issues such as weak enforcement mechanisms and bureaucratic inertia. Policymakers must ensure that technological solutions are complemented by stringent legal frameworks and proactive governance. Otherwise, these advancements risk becoming mere token gestures rather than transformative instruments.

Another significant aspect of the plan is its emphasis on youth and education. Conservation is a long-term endeavor, and its success depends on cultivating environmental consciousness among future generations. Integrating biodiversity education into school curriculums and community workshops is a forward-thinking move, as it instills a sense of responsibility and ownership. However, in a state where access to quality education remains uneven, merely adding conservation topics to syllabi will not suffice. The government must also address structural deficiencies in the education system to ensure that environmental awareness translates into meaningful action.

While the Biodiversity Action Plan is ambitious, it is not without formidable challenges. Arunachal Pradesh’s rugged terrain and remote locations make it difficult to implement conservation projects uniformly. Additionally, climate change poses an ever-growing threat, altering ecosystems and making traditional conservation methods less effective. Poaching and illegal trade remain persistent issues, exacerbated by porous borders and inadequate surveillance. The state’s conservation strategy must be dynamic, capable of adapting to emerging threats rather than being a static document that quickly becomes obsolete.

The broader question that arises is whether Arunachal Pradesh can position itself as a model state for balancing growth and conservation. The state’s rich biodiversity offers immense potential for eco-tourism and sustainable industries that can generate revenue without degrading the environment. If implemented effectively, this plan can serve as a blueprint for other states and nations facing similar challenges. However, for this vision to materialize, the government must go beyond mere policy announcements and demonstrate consistent commitment. It must ensure that conservation does not become a casualty of economic ambitions and that local communities remain at the heart of decision-making processes.

Ultimately, the Arunachal Pradesh State Biodiversity Strategy and Action Plan is a declaration of intent—a roadmap toward a future where development and conservation coexist harmoniously. But roadmaps are only as good as the journey they facilitate. The onus now lies on all stakeholders—government authorities, indigenous communities, environmental activists, and researchers—to ensure that this plan does not remain confined to bureaucratic paperwork. If executed with sincerity and rigor, it has the potential to transform Arunachal Pradesh into a beacon of sustainable growth, setting a precedent for regions worldwide grappling with similar dilemmas. In a world increasingly defined by environmental crises, such initiatives are not just desirable; they are imperative.

((Author is a well-known name in Indian journalism, having served 36 years with Doordarshan. A research fellow at Moradabad University specializing in special child cases in India, he is an award-winning documentary filmmaker and a trusted advisor to multiple media institutions).

Bureaucratic Delays or State Apathy !

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Shivaji Sarkar

The Union government’s urban development initiatives have hit a roadblock, with spending on key urban schemes reaching only 51% of the Budget Estimates (BE) for the current fiscal year. The Ministry of Housing and Urban Affairs (MoHUA) has cited lack of claims from states and Finance Ministry expenditure guidelines as primary reasons for the underutilization of allocated funds. This sluggish pace raises concerns over the execution of flagship programs like the Smart Cities Mission, AMRUT 2.0, and the Pradhan Mantri Awas Yojana-Urban (PMAY-U), all of which are critical to India’s urban transformation.

Senior officials in MoHUA have pointed out that a significant portion of the funds remains unspent due to states failing to submit utilization certificates (UCs) for previous disbursals. Under central funding mechanisms, fresh installments are contingent upon states providing expenditure records for past allocations. Without timely submission of UCs, the central government is unable to disburse additional funds, resulting in a bureaucratic logjam. However, states have countered these claims, arguing that stringent financial controls imposed by the Finance Ministry, particularly the revised Quarterly Expenditure Plan (QEP) guidelines, have hindered the flow of funds. The Finance Ministry has capped third- and fourth-quarter spending at 25% of the total budget allocation each, restricting the Ministry’s ability to release lump-sum grants towards the end of the fiscal year. This restriction, according to state governments, has disrupted their ability to plan large-scale urban infrastructure projects.

With only half the budgeted funds utilized so far, the fate of critical urban initiatives hangs in the balance. Several cities under the Smart Cities Mission have struggled with project implementation due to delays in fund disbursal. As of the latest data, over 200 Smart City projects remain incomplete, with funding gaps exacerbating delays. The Atal Mission for Rejuvenation and Urban Transformation (AMRUT 2.0), which aims to enhance urban water supply and sanitation, has seen slow progress, especially in smaller cities where municipal bodies rely heavily on central grants. Similarly, the Pradhan Mantri Awas Yojana-Urban (PMAY-U) has been impacted by delays in fund releases to state housing boards, slowing down the construction of affordable housing units. Urban planners and experts warn that if the expenditure backlog is not cleared swiftly, it could lead to a spillover effect, impacting next year’s allocations and project timelines.

The underutilization of urban development funds has also sparked political debate. Opposition-ruled states have accused the central government of deliberately slowing down fund transfers, especially in non-BJP-ruled states. A senior official from the West Bengal government remarked, “The Centre is using procedural hurdles as an excuse to delay funds for critical urban projects. This affects development in opposition-ruled states disproportionately.” On the other hand, BJP-led states have blamed local municipal bodies for inefficiencies, arguing that delays in UCs are due to poor governance at the state level rather than central restrictions.

Experts suggest that the government must undertake urgent reforms to ensure smoother fund utilization. The rigidity in QEP rules should be revisited, allowing higher allocations in the final quarter to facilitate project execution. Many municipal bodies lack the expertise to submit financial reports efficiently, and a dedicated technical support cell for assisting states in compliance could help expedite fund flows. Implementing a centralized digital dashboard for tracking fund utilization at the city level could improve transparency and ensure timely interventions. Some experts have also suggested that instead of routing funds through state governments, direct disbursal to municipal bodies could help bypass bureaucratic delays.

The issue extends beyond just delayed fund allocation. Data from MoHUA indicates that only ₹34,500 crore of the ₹67,500 crore allocated for urban development in 2023-24 has been utilized as of February 2024. This gap highlights systemic inefficiencies in financial management. Commenting on the situation, urban policy expert Dr. Anil Bhardwaj from the Indian Institute of Public Policy stated, “While the central government has its financial control mechanisms in place, the real issue is capacity-building at the state and local levels. Without improving the financial management skills of municipal bodies, fund utilization will always lag.”

Furthermore, delays in flagship programs have had a direct impact on infrastructure projects. According to a recent parliamentary report, the Smart Cities Mission has achieved only 60% project completion against its target despite multiple deadline extensions. Over ₹1.6 lakh crore worth of projects remain pending. Similarly, housing initiatives under PMAY-U are expected to miss their 2024 target of constructing 1.2 crore homes, as only 82 lakh homes have been completed so far.

As the fiscal year nears its end, the government faces a crucial test: Can it push through pending urban infrastructure funds, or will procedural entanglements continue to stall India’s urban transformation? The answer will determine the pace of India’s urban growth in the coming years.

((Author is recognised media commentator the writer is currently serving as a professor at Indian Institute of Mass Communication Delhi).

A Roadmap for Sustainable Restoration

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Manoj Pathak

The Yamuna, one of India’s most significant rivers, is facing an existential crisis, particularly in its stretch through Delhi. Despite being a vital lifeline for millions, the river has been reduced to a toxic waterway due to unchecked pollution, untreated sewage discharge, and the near absence of fresh water flow. While the Delhi government has pledged to clean the Yamuna within three years, the latest report by the parliamentary standing committee on water resources presents a sobering reality: mere surface-level cleaning efforts will not be enough. A long-term, multi-state strategy addressing both pollution control and water availability is the only way forward. 

The report, Review of Upper Yamuna River Cleaning Project Up to Delhi and River Bed Management, reaffirms that the river is ecologically dead in its Delhi stretch. High levels of faecal coliform bacteria, primarily from untreated sewage, have been recorded at the river’s exit point in Delhi—the highest since December 2020. This is unsurprising given that Delhi’s current sewage treatment capacity falls short of the volume of waste generated, leading to direct discharge into the Yamuna. However, beyond pollution, the report highlights an equally pressing issue: the severe lack of environmental flow (e-flow). 

A healthy river requires a continuous flow of fresh water to sustain its ecosystem, but for nine out of twelve months, there is almost no water in the Yamuna beyond the Wazirabad barrage. The current e-flow is a mere 0.86 million cubic meters (mcm) per day, far below the minimum requirement of 6.6 mcm/day. In 1999, the Supreme Court directed that a minimum e-flow of 10 mcm/day should be maintained year-round, but this has remained unachievable. The primary reason is that the bulk of Yamuna’s water is diverted at the Hathni Kund Barrage in Haryana, supplying irrigation canals in Haryana and Uttar Pradesh. As a result, for most of the year, what flows through Delhi is not a river but a toxic drain. 

A lasting solution to the Yamuna’s crisis requires a coordinated approach involving Delhi, Haryana, and Uttar Pradesh. Two key tributaries, the Hindon (joining from the east) and the Sahibi (also called the Najafgarh drain, merging from the west), originate in these neighboring states and are already heavily polluted before entering Delhi. Without addressing pollution at the source, efforts within Delhi alone will be insufficient. 

Schools Collapse, Future Shaken

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Dr. Viswanath Pandey

The state of education in India, particularly in Andhra Pradesh, reflects the profound interplay of systemic inefficiencies, policy failures, and political narratives that often divert attention from genuine reforms. The deteriorating literacy rates, crumbling infrastructure, and declining enrolment rates expose a harsh reality—education has become more of a rhetorical tool for political gains rather than a domain of substantive improvement. The staggering decline in foundational literacy levels and student enrolment, coupled with policy missteps, raises serious concerns about the priorities of both state and central governments in fostering an environment conducive to learning and knowledge-building.

Andhra Pradesh’s education system presents a striking example of this crisis. The state caters to 68.15 lakh students across 58,535 schools, yet the inefficient distribution of resources has led to a fragmented structure. The presence of 12,512 single-teacher schools and 14,052 government schools with fewer than 20 students demonstrates the lack of strategic planning in allocating teachers and infrastructure. Enrolment in government schools has witnessed a drastic fall of 10.49 lakh between 2022 and 2024, with only 33.37 lakh students remaining. This decline is a clear indication of waning public trust in government schools, a consequence of the severe deterioration in educational quality. The foundational literacy crisis is evident in the fact that only 37.5% of Grade 5 students could read Grade 2 Telugu in 2024, a shocking drop from 57.1% in 2018, as per ASER reports. The state’s fall from first in Class III Language rankings in 2017 to 27th in 2021 in the National Achievement Survey further cements the argument that the education system has been neglected and left in shambles.

A critical aspect of this crisis is infrastructure. The Nadu-Nedu initiative, which was launched to revamp school infrastructure, remains incomplete, with projects worth Rs 7,876 crore left unfinished. Schools continue to struggle with inadequate facilities, and only 51.8% of them have proper compound walls, leaving students vulnerable to safety concerns. The government’s ambitious reforms, such as the shift to CBSE and the introduction of the TOEFL program, have failed to make an impact due to poor execution and lack of foresight. GO 117 has only exacerbated the issue, triggering an exodus of students from government schools. In intermediate education, the pass rate remains at a dismal 58% in 2024, while the Gross Enrolment Ratio (GER) of 65.4% starkly lags behind states like Kerala, which boasts a GER of 88.1%. Higher education, too, suffers from neglect, with a GER of just 36.5%, faculty shortages, and declining NIRF rankings, painting a bleak picture of the state’s commitment to academic excellence.

The central government’s initiatives, particularly the National Education Policy (NEP) 2020, aspire to address these issues by focusing on foundational literacy, inclusivity, and vocational training. However, the reality on the ground tells a different story. The NEP’s goal of allocating 6% of GDP to education remains a distant dream, with actual spending stagnating at around 4.64% as of 2020-21. The policy’s emphasis on multilingual education and global academic collaborations appears promising on paper but fails to translate into meaningful change in states like Andhra Pradesh. Implementation remains patchy, and political narratives continue to overshadow any substantive action that could improve education quality at the grassroots level.

Politics has deeply entrenched itself in the education sector, further derailing meaningful reforms. Andhra Pradesh Minister Nara Lokesh’s criticism of former Chief Minister Y.S. Jagan Mohan Reddy for prioritizing personal branding over actual educational reforms echoes a broader issue prevalent across Indian politics. The central government’s penchant for using public welfare schemes for political branding is also evident in the distribution of ration bags featuring the Prime Minister’s image under the PMGKAY scheme, as well as similar branding at petrol pumps in Uttar Pradesh. This trend of leveraging state-funded programs for electoral gains diverts focus from pressing issues such as education, healthcare, and employment, rendering governance more about optics than outcomes.

The distortion of the educational ecosystem is also apparent in the neglect of higher education and research. The discontinuation of increments for PhD scholars has dampened academic motivation, raising concerns about the government’s commitment to fostering a knowledge-driven economy. The stagnation in research funding further cripples India’s intellectual and scientific advancement, pushing scholars towards disillusionment and brain drain. The recent protests in Bihar against the Bihar Public Service Commission (BPSC) illustrate the broader systemic inefficiencies plaguing the education system. The government’s response—marked by police crackdowns rather than structural reforms—demonstrates an alarming disregard for student grievances and the need for overhauling the education sector.

The governance model under the National Democratic Alliance (NDA) reflects a prioritization of image-building over concrete educational reforms. Branding initiatives create an illusion of proactive governance, but the grim realities of declining literacy rates, poor infrastructure, and inadequate policy execution expose the hollowness of such optics. The tendency to engage in grand narratives rather than addressing ground-level challenges has led to an education system that is increasingly exclusionary and dysfunctional. The question that arises is whether a government that prioritizes political self-promotion over genuine educational progress can truly lead India towards a future rooted in knowledge, innovation, and intellectual growth.

In the larger scheme of things, the crisis in Andhra Pradesh’s education sector is emblematic of the challenges faced by the entire country. Policies like the NEP 2020 offer a theoretical roadmap for reform, but their potential impact is diluted by a lack of robust implementation mechanisms and political distractions. As Rajya Sabha member Sudha Murty rightly pointed out, teachers are the backbone of the education system, and their training and continuous evaluation are crucial for ensuring quality education. She stressed that mere infrastructural improvements are insufficient if the teachers themselves are not equipped with the latest teaching techniques and methodologies. The lack of examination-linked training sessions for educators exacerbates the issue, leading to a stagnation in teaching quality.

Ultimately, the solution lies in shifting the focus back to foundational literacy, infrastructure development, and equitable access to education. Policymakers must move beyond mere rhetoric and invest in long-term, substantive reforms that prioritize learning outcomes over political mileage. Without such a shift, India risks squandering its demographic dividend, leaving millions of students trapped in a cycle of poor education, limited opportunities, and unfulfilled potential. The government must recognize that education is not a tool for political propaganda but a fundamental right that shapes the future of the nation. Only when governance is driven by a commitment to educational excellence rather than electoral gains can India hope to build a society that thrives on knowledge, innovation, and progress.

(Writer, a Ph.D. in Sociology, is a well-recognised author and columnist. For past over three decades, he has served in various administrative and academic capacities at Banaras Hindu University).

Can Sovereignty Be Negotiated !

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Amit Pandey

The concept of a ceasefire in the Ukraine-Russia conflict continues to perplex the global community, raising more questions than answers about its feasibility, motivations, and broader implications. Why has the road to peace been riddled with so many obstacles, despite repeated attempts by the United States and other key players? What makes Donald Trump so optimistic about the latest ceasefire proposal, and does this optimism stem from a realistic strategy or a calculated political narrative? These are questions that demand critical examination, especially as the conflict reshapes the geopolitical and economic fabric of Europe and beyond.

At its core, the Ukraine crisis is a stark reminder of how deeply intertwined resource control, political leverage, and international alliances are in modern warfare. The mineral-rich regions of Ukraine have become a focal point of contention, with potential concessions on these assets serving as bargaining chips in peace negotiations. But can such compromises be the foundation of a sustainable ceasefire, or do they risk undermining Ukraine’s sovereignty? The hesitation of Ukraine’s President Zelensky to yield ground on these terms speaks volumes about the delicate balance between sovereignty and survival.

Meanwhile, the role of the United States and its allies presents a fascinating dichotomy. On one hand, the U.S., under Trump’s leadership, appears eager to broker peace, projecting itself as the ultimate mediator. On the other, the persistent failure of negotiations and the seemingly transactional approach to diplomacy cast doubt on America’s commitment to a fair resolution. Is the U.S. leveraging its influence in Ukraine for strategic gains, or is it genuinely invested in ending the bloodshed? Furthermore, how does Trump’s economic agenda, particularly amid a potential slowdown, factor into his push for a ceasefire? Could the specter of rising costs and declining global standing be compelling the U.S. to prioritize peace, even if it means pressuring Ukraine into a compromised position?

Adding to the complexity are the shifting dynamics within NATO and the European Union. With America’s role as a global leader increasingly under scrutiny, European nations are stepping up to play a more active role in the conflict’s resolution. France and Germany, in particular, have advocated for a more independent European strategy, emphasizing the need for regional security frameworks that do not overly rely on U.S. leadership. Does this signal a growing fissure within NATO, or is it a natural evolution of Europe’s geopolitical autonomy? And how might this recalibration influence Ukraine’s leverage—or lack thereof—in future negotiations?

Lastly, the economic toll of the conflict cannot be overstated. Ukraine faces staggering losses, with its GDP plummeting, infrastructure decimated, and millions displaced. While international aid has provided some respite, the long-term sustainability of such support is far from guaranteed. The question remains: at what point does the cost of war become unsustainable for all parties involved, and does this tipping point serve as the real catalyst for peace?

The U.S. Push for Ceasefire: Why is Trump Hopeful?

This marks the fourth or fifth attempt by the United States to broker a ceasefire between Ukraine and Russia. Previous negotiations, including those conducted in Washington during Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky’s visit, have faltered due to Ukraine’s refusal to concede key mineral-rich areas to Russian control. The question arises: Has Zelensky now been pressured into accepting these conditions, or is there an alternative formula that has instilled confidence in the Trump administration?

European diplomatic experts suggest that Trump’s optimism stems from multiple factors. Firstly, Trump’s administration has always emphasized economic pragmatism over military intervention. Unlike his predecessor Joe Biden, who maintained unwavering military support for Ukraine, Trump has consistently sought to reduce U.S. involvement in foreign conflicts. Reports from The Guardian and Le Monde indicate that Trump’s negotiations involve a restructured territorial deal that provides security guarantees to Ukraine while subtly allowing Russia some form of economic or administrative control over disputed regions.

Additionally, Trump’s confidence may be linked to internal American political dynamics. With the U.S. economy experiencing a slowdown and growing domestic opposition to continued aid to Ukraine, Trump might view the ceasefire as a necessary move to bolster his political standing. A successful diplomatic resolution could be presented as a victory in his re-election campaign, proving that he can achieve what previous administrations could not.

Ukraine’s Reluctance and the Mineral Dispute

Ukraine’s refusal to relinquish control over its mineral-rich territories, particularly in the Donbas region, remains a critical obstacle in peace negotiations. This area, abundant in coal, natural gas, and rare earth minerals like lithium and titanium, is not only vital to Ukraine’s economy but also to global industries reliant on these resources. President Zelensky has consistently rejected territorial concessions, emphasizing that such compromises would jeopardize Ukraine’s sovereignty and set a dangerous precedent for future aggression. His stance reflects a broader concern that yielding to Russian demands could embolden expansionist policies, undermining international norms.

However, the devastating civilian toll from recent attacks has intensified pressure on Ukraine to reconsider its position. A report from Der Spiegel highlights that European Union leaders, particularly Germany and France, have been urging Ukraine to explore compromises. Prolonged conflict has strained Europe’s economic stability, with rising energy costs and disrupted supply chains impacting key industries. Germany, which has committed over €17 billion in aid to Ukraine, and France, facing domestic economic challenges, have signaled that their capacity to sustain military and financial support is waning. This shift raises questions about the long-term viability of Ukraine’s resistance without substantial external backing.

Critics argue that this pressure undermines Ukraine’s agency in negotiations. As geopolitical analyst Robert Muggah noted in February 2025, “Forcing Ukraine into concessions risks creating a fragile peace that could unravel under future provocations.” The economic stakes are equally significant; Ukraine’s GDP has contracted by over 30% since the war began, and its recovery hinges on retaining control over its resource-rich territories. The dilemma underscores the complex interplay between sovereignty, economic resilience, and international diplomacy, leaving Ukraine at a crossroads where every decision carries profound implications for its future and the global order.

Is There a Pressure Campaign on Ukraine?

One of the most significant aspects of this ceasefire proposal is the role of American and European lobbying efforts. Elon Musk’s recent statement that “Zelensky must not be president for much longer” has raised suspicions that Ukraine is being pressured into accepting a deal that benefits Western economic interests rather than its own sovereignty. Some analysts argue that Musk’s comments reflect the sentiments of influential business and political elites who see an opportunity to reshape Ukraine’s post-war economic structure in a manner that benefits U.S. and European investors.

Furthermore, diplomatic experts from The Financial Times have pointed out that NATO’s commitment to Ukraine has shown signs of wavering. While NATO Secretary-General Jens Stoltenberg has reiterated support for Ukraine, recent moves by key European nations suggest a shift towards de-escalation. If NATO’s backing weakens, Ukraine may have little choice but to agree to a compromise.

NATO’s Role and the EU’s Strategic Calculations

One of the key questions surrounding this ceasefire attempt is whether it is driven by NATO’s internal pressures or by Trump’s independent diplomatic maneuvering. If the European Union and NATO nations feel that continued support for Ukraine is economically unsustainable, their policy direction could be subtly shifting towards pressuring Zelensky into a negotiated settlement. This would explain Trump’s renewed push, as he might be capitalizing on this shift to position himself as a successful dealmaker.

European diplomatic experts argue that Trump’s ceasefire proposal could be tied to a broader NATO recalibration. While Eastern European nations like Poland and the Baltic states remain committed to resisting Russian aggression, Western European powers such as France and Germany have increasingly voiced concerns over the prolonged economic impact of the war. Reports from Politico Europe indicate that some EU leaders have privately expressed frustration with Ukraine’s uncompromising stance, particularly on territorial concessions.

Economic considerations play a crucial role in the current negotiations. Trump’s administration has repeatedly signaled its unwillingness to continue large-scale financial aid to Ukraine, arguing that American taxpayers should not bear the burden of the conflict indefinitely. According to The Wall Street Journal, U.S. military assistance to Ukraine has exceeded $75 billion, a figure that is increasingly seen as politically unsustainable.

In Europe, inflationary pressures and energy concerns have also led to growing dissatisfaction with the war’s economic toll. The European Central Bank’s latest report suggests that prolonged conflict could destabilize European financial markets, leading to increased political pressure on EU leaders to push for a ceasefire.

The Business Strategy Behind the Ceasefire

Some geopolitical analysts argue that the ceasefire negotiations are not purely about diplomacy or humanitarian concerns but are, in fact, a strategic business maneuver. The U.S. and its allies could be seeking to gain economic leverage over post-war Ukraine through investment deals and reconstruction contracts. The Biden administration had previously discussed the possibility of U.S. firms playing a significant role in Ukraine’s reconstruction, a strategy that may now be repurposed under Trump’s leadership.

Furthermore, the global arms industry has benefited significantly from the conflict. With major defense contractors such as Lockheed Martin and Raytheon seeing record profits, some critics argue that the U.S. military-industrial complex may be attempting to shift its focus from active conflict to post-war economic engagement.

The Potential Formulas for Ending the War

Given the complexities involved, what are the possible formulas for ending the war? According to experts from The Economist and The New York Times, the most likely scenarios include:

  1. Territorial Compromise – Ukraine retains control over most of its territory but agrees to grant Russia economic access to key regions.
  2. Internationally Monitored Ceasefire – A neutral entity, such as the United Nations, oversees a demilitarized zone between Ukraine and Russia.
  3. European Security Guarantees – Ukraine receives NATO-like security assurances without formal membership, reducing Russian aggression risks.
  4. Economic Reconstruction Deal – The U.S. and EU commit to a large-scale reconstruction package in exchange for Ukraine agreeing to a ceasefire.

The renewed ceasefire push raises fundamental questions about the nature of U.S. foreign policy under Trump. Is this a genuine attempt to end the war, or merely a strategic move to serve political and economic interests? Given the history of failed negotiations, skepticism remains high. However, if Ukraine is indeed being pressured into a deal that includes territorial concessions, the long-term implications could be profound.

Ultimately, whether this ceasefire materializes or collapses like its predecessors depends on multiple factors: Ukraine’s willingness to compromise, Russia’s military objectives, NATO’s strategic calculations, and Trump’s broader geopolitical strategy. As the world watches, the outcome of these negotiations could reshape the global order, influencing not just Ukraine’s future but also the broader balance of power between the West and Russia.

(Author is Managing Editor of The Emerging World)

Jharkhand’s Cess Move Reshapes Economy

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Sanjay Pandey

The Jharkhand government’s decision to revise the cess rate on mineral-bearing land comes as a significant fiscal move aimed at bolstering state revenues. With mineral-rich states like Odisha and Chhattisgarh imposing higher cess rates, Jharkhand’s comparatively lower taxation has resulted in potential revenue losses over the years. The increase in cess on coal and iron ore-bearing land is expected to generate over Rs 15,000 crore in the financial year 2025-26, providing a substantial financial cushion for infrastructure development, healthcare, and other public welfare programs.

Jharkhand, home to nearly 40% of India’s mineral reserves, has long served as a crucial hub for coal and iron ore production. However, despite its mineral wealth, the state’s revenue collection from these resources has remained suboptimal. Until now, cess was levied at a mere Rs 100 per metric ton, significantly lower than the charges imposed in other states. Comparatively, Odisha charges Rs 150 per metric ton, and Chhattisgarh levies even higher rates, ensuring more substantial financial returns from mining activities. The decision to increase the cess aligns Jharkhand with its counterparts and rectifies an existing imbalance in revenue distribution.

One of the most immediate benefits of this move will be the state’s enhanced financial capacity to invest in public infrastructure. The additional revenue can be allocated to road networks, power supply, and railway connectivity, which are critical for ensuring efficient mineral transportation. Enhanced logistics will not only benefit mining corporations but also boost associated industries, generating employment opportunities in mining-adjacent sectors.

Another sector poised to benefit from the increased cess is healthcare. Jharkhand has persistently struggled with inadequate healthcare facilities, particularly in mining-dominated districts like Dhanbad, Bokaro, and West Singhbhum. Respiratory illnesses and other health hazards due to mining-related pollution are rampant, and the state’s medical infrastructure is ill-equipped to handle the burden. With an additional Rs 15,000 crore in projected revenue, the government could significantly upgrade healthcare facilities, ensuring better medical services for affected communities. Establishing specialized hospitals for mining-related diseases, improving rural healthcare centers, and deploying mobile health units could be direct results of this fiscal boost.

However, the decision is not without its economic challenges. Increased cess directly translates to higher production costs for mining companies, which could have cascading effects on market prices. Companies may pass on the additional costs to consumers, leading to inflationary pressures in sectors dependent on coal and iron ore. Industries like steel manufacturing, power generation, and construction could see a rise in input costs, affecting final product pricing. Given Jharkhand’s pivotal role in India’s energy sector, any cost escalation in coal could impact electricity tariffs, placing an additional financial burden on consumers.

On the other hand, proponents argue that the increase in cess is a necessary step toward economic self-reliance. States like Odisha have effectively utilized higher mineral taxation to fund social welfare programs and infrastructure development, demonstrating the long-term benefits of such a policy. Jharkhand can similarly channel the additional revenue into education, skill development, and employment generation, reducing its dependency on central government grants.

Despite concerns regarding inflation, the overall economic impact could remain balanced if the government strategically reinvests the revenue into industrial incentives. Offering tax rebates to small and medium enterprises, promoting alternative energy sources, and subsidizing key sectors affected by the cess hike could mitigate adverse economic consequences. Additionally, negotiations with mining companies to ensure corporate social responsibility (CSR) initiatives could lead to increased investments in local development projects.

Another crucial aspect to consider is the potential impact on Jharkhand’s mining competitiveness. Higher cess rates might deter new investments, with companies seeking more economically favorable locations. However, given that Jharkhand remains one of the most resource-rich states in India, the likelihood of large-scale industrial migration remains low. Moreover, if the revenue is effectively utilized to improve mining infrastructure and ease regulatory bottlenecks, the state could continue to attract investors despite the increased tax burden.

The success of this policy ultimately hinges on the state government’s efficiency in fund allocation and utilization. Transparent and accountable spending mechanisms must be established to ensure that the additional revenue genuinely benefits public welfare and economic growth. Implementing digital tracking systems for fund distribution, engaging independent auditors, and involving local communities in budget planning could enhance governance and public trust.

In conclusion, the decision to increase the cess on mineral-bearing land in Jharkhand marks a critical economic intervention with far-reaching implications. While it presents challenges, particularly in terms of potential inflation and industry response, the long-term benefits in revenue generation, infrastructure development, and healthcare enhancement outweigh the short-term hurdles. With careful policy execution, Jharkhand could leverage its natural resources more effectively, fostering sustainable economic growth and improving the quality of life for its residents.

( Author, a seasoned bilingual journalist, is an expert on Jharkhand’s sociopolitical landscape.He can be reached at pandeysanjay945@gmail.com)