Deep State and Soros, says BJP taking Sam Pitroada’s innocent comment on China out of context

Dr Satish Misra

Taking an innocent observation of father of Telecom revolution in India Sam Pitroda, the BJP today attacked Leader of the Opposition Rahul Gandhi saying he “works as an agent of George Soros, Deep State, and China,”   

The BJP leaders wasted no time in grabbing the political opportunity.

“Sam Pitroda’s statement makes it clear that Rahul Gandhi works as an agent of George Soros, Deep State, and China,” Pradeep Bhandari, a spokesperson for the BJP told media.

Other leaders of the BJP, joined the chorus slamming Sam Pitroda for his “China is not our enemy” remark even the Narendra Modi government’s chief economic adviser said earlier this year that Delhi should look at investment from Beijing to boost Indian exports.

“I don’t understand the threat from China. I think this issue is often blown out of proportion because the US has a tendency to define an enemy,” Pitroda, a long-time confidant of Rajiv Gandhi and the former prime minister’s family, hit the nail on the head in a conversation with the news agency IANS.

“I believe the time has come for all nations to collaborate, not confront. Our approach has been confrontational from the very beginning, and this attitude creates enemies, which in turn garners support within the country. We need to change this mindset and stop assuming that China is the enemy from day one. It’s unfair, not just to China, but to everyone.”

The BJP leaders wasted no time in grabbing the political opportunity.

“In his speech in Parliament, he mentioned China 34 times. During the Doklam issue, he was meeting the Chinese ambassador secretly. By giving a cover shield to China and eulogising the MoU that Congress had with China, Sam Pitroda has made it clear that when Rahul Gandhi would have to choose between India and China, he will choose China”, Bhandari said.

Another BJP leader, Ajay Alok, told another news agency ANI: “Sam Pitroda is the mentor of Rahul Gandhi… Rahul Gandhi has also signed a secret treaty with the People’s Liberation Party of China. Rajiv Gandhi had taken funds from China. Jawaharlal Nehru gave the Aksai Chin and India’s seat in UNSC to China. The friendship between Congress and China is quite old.”

However, in the pre-Budget Economic Survey of 2024, chief economic adviser V. Anantha Nageswaran had argued that increased Chinese FDI could help boost Indian exports to the US and other western nations, addressing India’s growing trade deficit with China.

As the US and Europe are shifting their immediate sourcing away from China, it is more effective to have Chinese companies invest in India and then export the products to these markets rather than importing from the neighbouring country, the survey said.

India faces two choices to benefit from the ‘China plus one strategy’ – it can integrate into China’s supply chain or promote FDI from China, the survey said. “Among these choices, focusing on FDI from China seems more promising for boosting India’s exports to the US, similar to how East Asian economies did in the past,” it added.

“Moreover, choosing FDI as a strategy to benefit from the China plus one approach appears more advantageous than relying on trade. This is because China is India’s top import partner, and the trade deficit with China has been growing,” it said.

The survey explained how increased FDI inflows from China can help in increasing India’s global supply chain participation along with a push to exports.

The bulk of the FDI coming into India falls under the automatic approval route, but investment from countries sharing land borders with India needs mandatory government approval in any sector.

China stands at 22nd position with only 0.37 per cent share ($2.5 billion) in total FDI equity inflow reported in India from April 2000 to March 2024.

Union finance minister Nirmala Sitharaman’s response to the idea of Chinese FDI was more measured. She had acknowledged that the Economic Survey’s office operated at an “arm’s distance” from the government.

“That doesn’t mean I disown the suggestion,” Sitharaman had said.

Relations between India and China deteriorated significantly following the Galwan Valley conflict, which left 20 Indian and four Chinese soldiers dead.

Since then, India has banned over 200 Chinese mobile apps and tightened scrutiny of Chinese investments, despite suggestions from some government advisors to reverse these policies.

Despite minimal FDI from China, China emerged as India’s largest trading partner in 2023-24, with two-way commerce reaching $118.4 billion, surpassing the US. The trade deficit with China, however, widened to $85 billion in 2023-24 from $83.2 billion the previous year.

The Economic Survey highlighted this widening trade gap and suggested that attracting Chinese capital could reduce import dependency.

Nageswaran referenced the experience of East Asian economies, noting that FDI from China could boost Indian exports to the US.

Commerce minister Piyush Goyal had dismissed the Economic Survey’s suggestion, emphasising that the survey merely presents new ideas that are not binding on the government.

This is not the first time Pitroda has put the Congress in a spot with his remarks in recent years. In the run-up to the Lok Sabha election, Prime Minister Narendra Modi had seized Pitroda’s comment on the diverse skin colours of Indians to accuse the Congress of being “racist” and of “insulting Indians”.

As Pitroda’s remarks raised a howl of protest from Modi and a host of BJP leaders, the Congress scurried for cover, promptly dissociating itself from the comments. By the evening of the same day, the party announced Pitroda’s resignation as chairman of the Indian Overseas Congress.

Before that, Pitroda’s comments on inheritance tax in the US had led Modi to accuse the Congress of planning to impose such a levy in India if they came to power.

Manoj Kumar Pathak

The ongoing protests by Bihar Public Service Commission (BPSC) aspirants in Patna have thrown a spotlight on serious allegations regarding the integrity and fairness of the state’s competitive examination process. With demands for the re-examination of the 70th Preliminary Test (PT) held on December 13, 2024, and January 4, 2025, the issue has quickly evolved from a student grievance to a broader debate concerning transparency, governance, and the trust in the examination systems of Bihar. The protests have intensified following claims made by popular teacher and YouTuber Faizal Khan, also known as Khan Sir, who has emerged as a key figure leading the charge for accountability and justice in this matter.

Khan Sir, alongside thousands of students, has accused the BPSC of severe irregularities in the conduct of the exam, alleging that the question papers used for the January 4 examination were recycled from the December 13 exam. According to Khan Sir, this is not just a mere procedural error but a systemic failure that undermines the credibility of the recruitment process. “Instead of printing a new set of question papers for the examination held on January 4, 2025, BPSC used the remaining set of question papers printed for the examination held on December 13, 2024,” Khan Sir claimed in a public statement.

These allegations, if proven true, will not only damage the reputation of the BPSC but will also raise serious questions about the governance of the state and the fairness of recruitment processes that have a direct impact on the youth of Bihar.

The BPSC 70th PT examination is one of the most significant recruitment exams in the state, attracting thousands of aspirants from various districts of Bihar. The examination serves as the gateway to government jobs in Bihar, a vital avenue for employment in a state where youth unemployment has long been a pressing issue. The importance of the BPSC cannot be overstated, and any flaws in its conduct can have far-reaching consequences for both the students and the state’s development.

The protests are not just a spontaneous reaction but a reflection of years of growing discontent among students. The large turnout of aspirants in the protests indicates the depth of the crisis. As of now, numerous students have come forward with similar complaints regarding the conduct of the BPSC 70th PT. According to the Bihar Students’ Union (BSU), nearly 50,000 students appeared for the exam on December 13, and a similar number attended the January 4 exam. Out of these, a significant portion has expressed their dissatisfaction with the alleged mismanagement and irregularities, further fueling the calls for re-examination.

The demand for a re-examination is not limited to just the aspirants. A number of political figures and civil society members have lent their support to the protesters. Tejashwi Yadav, leader of the opposition in Bihar and leader of the Rashtriya Janata Dal (RJD), has voiced his concerns about the issue, calling it “a deep conspiracy against Bihar’s youth.” Yadav’s criticism targets the ruling Janata Dal (United) – Bharatiya Janata Party (JD(U)-BJP) alliance, accusing it of ignoring the growing frustration among the youth and allowing such malpractice to occur under its nose.

The crux of the controversy lies in the allegation that the question papers for the January 4, 2025, examination were not original but were merely leftovers from the December 13, 2024, exam. This claim was made by Khan Sir, who stated that he had obtained conclusive proof of the alleged malpractice. He argues that this constitutes a major breach of trust and procedure, as the exam is supposed to maintain a high level of integrity and fairness.

While the BPSC has yet to respond comprehensively to these claims, the absence of a proper clarification from the commission has only added fuel to the fire. The aspirants, many of whom have invested years of hard work and significant financial resources to prepare for this competitive exam, are now left with a deep sense of betrayal and injustice.

Dr. Sanjay Kumar, an education expert and a professor at Patna University, explains that such incidents could have far-reaching consequences for the youth’s faith in the state’s education and recruitment system. “When the examination system is marred by allegations of rigging or mismanagement, it creates an atmosphere of distrust. Students no longer feel motivated to participate in a process they believe to be flawed. This is not just an educational issue but a governance issue, and the government must act swiftly to restore credibility.”

The Bihar government, which has faced criticism over the years for various mismanagement issues, now finds itself at the center of yet another controversy. The ruling JD(U)-BJP alliance has so far refrained from taking concrete action on the matter, which has sparked even more outrage. The protests have escalated to a point where political figures like Tejashwi Yadav have openly criticized Chief Minister Nitish Kumar and the state’s ruling coalition for their inability to address the concerns of the youth.

However, the state government’s reluctance to act decisively has triggered a response from the protesting students and their supporters, particularly Khan Sir, who has been leading the demand for a re-examination. In his public remarks, Khan Sir has made it clear that the issue is not just about one exam but about the broader implications for Bihar’s education system. “If the BPSC does not conduct a re-examination, the ruling parties will have to face the consequences. Assembly elections are approaching, and the anger of the youth will be hard to ignore,” Khan Sir warned.

This statement underscores the political dimensions of the issue. As the state heads towards assembly elections later this year, the government must be cautious about alienating the youth, who represent a significant voting bloc. The BPSC issue, compounded by the ongoing protests, is rapidly becoming a litmus test for the government’s commitment to fair and transparent recruitment processes.

This controversy is a part of a larger, more troubling pattern of governance failures in Bihar. Youth unemployment has been a long-standing issue, with reports consistently highlighting that the state has one of the highest unemployment rates in the country. According to the Centre for Monitoring Indian Economy (CMIE), Bihar’s unemployment rate stood at 9.2% in 2024, significantly higher than the national average of 7.4%. The state’s education and recruitment systems are seen as one of the key ways to address this issue, and any disruption or malpractice in these processes is a blow to Bihar’s future.

Moreover, the Bihar Public Service Commission has been under scrutiny for several years due to delays, irregularities, and allegations of corruption. The ongoing protests over the BPSC 70th PT examination have once again brought the commission’s credibility into question. As Bihar continues to grapple with youth unemployment, the calls for a fair, transparent, and accountable recruitment process have never been more urgent.

The BPSC 70th PT examination controversy has evolved into a significant political and governance issue. The protests led by aspirants and supported by political figures like Tejashwi Yadav, as well as social influencers like Khan Sir, have placed immense pressure on the Bihar government to act decisively. The issue is no longer just about one exam but about the state’s commitment to fair governance, transparent recruitment, and addressing the pressing concerns of its youth.

With the assembly elections on the horizon, the ruling government in Bihar faces a crucial challenge. If the issue of irregularities in the BPSC exams is not handled with the seriousness it deserves, the youth may very well make their voices heard at the ballot box. The coming months will determine not only the future of the BPSC but also the fate of the state’s political leadership in a rapidly changing and increasingly vocal society.

Amit Pandey

In the past week, India has experienced a series of powerful earthquakes shaking regions from Delhi and Bihar to Ladakh and even the Arabian Sea. While earthquakes are not an anomaly in a country sitting atop tectonic plates, the alarming frequency and intensity of these tremors have left citizens and experts alike questioning the stability of the land they inhabit. With each new jolt, the public’s concerns only grow deeper, especially when the tremors come with little to no warning. For many, this renewed seismic activity is not just an earth-shaking incident, but a harbinger of something far more unsettling: a question of safety, preparedness, and accountability.

As we brace ourselves for what could come next, there’s an eerie realization that we may be haunted not only by the forces of nature but also by the forces of human negligence. Scientists and seismologists have long sounded the alarm about India’s vulnerability to earthquakes, urging governments to bolster infrastructure, improve early warning systems, and enforce stronger building regulations. Unfortunately, their warnings have often fallen on deaf ears. As the tremors grow more frequent and intense, it becomes clear that the country is ill-prepared to handle the long-term consequences of such natural disasters.

What is most alarming is not the occurrence of these earthquakes but the lack of preventive measures in place to protect citizens. Infrastructure in several parts of the country remains weak, and disaster management strategies remain rudimentary, putting people’s lives at constant risk. The administrative response has been slow, leaving many to wonder: if the scientists’ warnings had been taken seriously, would we be better equipped to face these jolts? Would there be fewer casualties and less damage to property?

In contrast, other countries have been much more proactive. Japan, located on the Pacific Ring of Fire, is a prime example of how a nation can be prepared for seismic activity. With state-of-the-art early warning systems, earthquake-resistant buildings, and public education campaigns, Japan has minimized the human and infrastructural costs of earthquakes. Similarly, countries like Chile and New Zealand, both of which face significant seismic risks, have invested heavily in research and preparedness, ensuring the safety of their citizens. In India, however, political and administrative negligence remains a major hindrance, casting a shadow of uncertainty over our preparedness for the next big shake. As the tremors continue, the haunting question lingers: Are we truly ready for what lies ahead?

Understanding the Tectonic Forces at Play

India is situated on the Indian Plate, which is constantly moving northward at a rate of about 5 cm per year. This movement leads to regular interactions with neighboring plates, including the Eurasian Plate and the Burmese Plate. According to Dr. Rajesh Srivastava, a prominent seismologist, the frequent tremors in the past week are attributed to the ongoing collision between the Indian and Eurasian plates. The pressure generated by this tectonic movement, particularly in seismic Zone 4 and Zone 5 areas, leads to earthquakes when the stress overcomes the friction holding the plates together.

“The Delhi-NCR region, for example, is located atop three active fault lines—Sohna, Mathura, and Delhi-Moradabad. The region has long been at risk of earthquakes due to the geological stresses imposed by the Indian Plate’s northward movement,” explains Dr. Srivastava.

The primary scientific explanation, then, lies in the geophysical dynamics of plate tectonics. The movements along the Himalayan front, subduction zones in the northeast, and the complex fault systems of central India are contributing to the heightened seismic activity. The earthquake’s epicenter in Delhi-NCR on February 17, 2025, for instance, was located along one such fault, where the earth’s crust was under immense pressure.

Geographical experts further assert that while these earthquakes are scientifically explainable, the scale and frequency have prompted discussions on preparedness and the limitations of our current infrastructure. For instance, the tremor in Bihar’s Siwan district has highlighted the vulnerability of regions in seismic Zone 4 and Zone 5, which are often poorly equipped to handle such jolts.

Weight of the Earth and Plate Dynamics

India, situated in one of the most seismically active regions in the world, faces an ongoing risk from earthquakes. The Indian subcontinent is primarily impacted by the collision of the Indian and Eurasian tectonic plates, particularly in the Himalayan region. According to geophysical data, the Indian Plate is pushing northward at an average rate of around 5 cm per year, exerting immense pressure on the Eurasian Plate. This ongoing tectonic activity has caused frequent earthquakes in the region, with the potential for major tremors that can devastate densely populated areas.

Dr. Sushila Arora, an environmental scientist, emphasizes, “The growing weight of the Himalayan Plateau is exerting significant pressure on the surrounding areas. The shift of the Indian Plate under the Eurasian Plate is not just responsible for mountain building but also for the increased seismic activity in the region.” The constant buildup of stress along fault lines results in earthquakes. The most recent example of this seismic vulnerability was the 2001 Gujarat earthquake, which killed over 20,000 people, injured more than 167,000, and caused massive property damage.

Environmental factors, along with human activities, have intensified the seismic risk. Deforestation in the Himalayan foothills and the extraction of groundwater have reduced the natural ability of the region to absorb seismic shocks. Further, urbanization along active fault lines, particularly in the Delhi-NCR region, has exacerbated the vulnerability of major cities. The rapid growth of Delhi-NCR has often occurred with minimal regard for seismic risk. As Dr. Arora points out, the enforcement of seismic codes for construction is weak, leaving many structures ill-prepared for a large-scale earthquake.

The National Disaster Management Authority (NDMA) has put in place guidelines to enhance preparedness, including enforcing seismic-resistant construction in high-risk zones and providing early-warning systems. However, the implementation of these measures remains inconsistent across the country. While India does have earthquake early warning systems in some regions, such systems are still in the nascent stages, and their reach is limited.

The threat of earthquakes in India, particularly in the Delhi-NCR region, requires pragmatic solutions. The government must not only improve enforcement of seismic construction codes but also invest in research and technology for early warning systems. Increased public awareness and careful urban planning are also vital to minimizing the damage from future seismic events.

Seismic Events and National Governance

The political response to these earthquakes has been varied. While the scientific community continues to focus on understanding the geological factors contributing to the tremors, political figures have begun to link these natural events to issues of governance and national security. Faizal Khan, popularly known as Khan Sir, voiced his concerns during a march organized by BPSC aspirants in Patna. He suggested that the increased seismic activity might be a signal of underlying environmental mismanagement by the government. “The government must take note of these events as part of a broader conversation about national preparedness and response to natural disasters. If proper policies and resources are not allocated toward mitigating earthquake risks, the consequences could be far-reaching, especially with the looming state elections,” Khan Sir remarked.

The discussion surrounding the 2025 earthquake series reveals much about India’s preparedness in handling natural disasters. Despite being a nation that experiences frequent seismic activity, much of India’s disaster management policy remains reactive rather than proactive. Many seismic-prone regions, such as the northeastern states, Jammu & Kashmir, and parts of Delhi, are poorly equipped to deal with even moderate earthquakes.

Politicians have also weighed in on the issue from a more strategic perspective, with some speculating that the political landscape could be reshaped by these tremors. As state elections approach, the public’s anxiety about natural disasters, particularly in earthquake-prone regions, could influence voter sentiment. The lack of effective measures to mitigate the impact of earthquakes and provide better infrastructure could become a key electoral issue.

A Call for Action and Preparedness

India’s seismic vulnerability is a complex issue that requires attention from all sectors of society—scientific, political, and environmental. The increased frequency of earthquakes in the past week should serve as a wake-up call for the country, urging both the government and the public to recognize the risks and take immediate action. Seismologists and geologists agree that, while tectonic forces will continue to shape the Indian subcontinent, it is up to policymakers to ensure that the nation is prepared to face these natural disasters. Improved building standards, better emergency response systems, and increased public awareness are all necessary steps to mitigate the impact of future seismic events.

Experts also urge political leaders to make disaster preparedness a priority in their agendas, especially with the upcoming elections in mind. If the government continues to ignore the importance of mitigating seismic risks, it may face the wrath of the youth and the electorate, who are becoming increasingly aware of the threats posed by such natural calamities.

while earthquakes are an inevitable part of India’s geological makeup, the country’s ability to withstand them depends on the concerted efforts of both the government and the public to adapt, prepare, and respond effectively. With the weight of the Himalayan Plateau pressing down on India’s seismic zones, the country must take immediate steps to safeguard its future.

( Author is Managing Editor of The Emerging World)

Sanjay Pandey

The Supreme Court’s recent scrutiny of the Places of Worship (Special Provisions) Act, 1991, underscores the persistent tension in India over religious sites and their historical claims. The Act mandates that the religious character of a place of worship remains as it was on August 15, 1947, barring the Ram Janmabhoomi-Babri Masjid dispute. While intended to uphold communal harmony, legal and political contestations over its validity continue to intensify. The Supreme Court’s reluctance to hear a slew of fresh petitions challenging the law reflects an ongoing struggle between historical grievances and the state’s role in maintaining religious stability.

A bench led by Chief Justice Sanjiv Khanna and Justice Sanjay Kumar expressed dissatisfaction over the flood of interim applications, signaling the difficulty of addressing the matter in the present judicial setting. Previously, the Court had put a hold on various lawsuits seeking to determine the original religious character of sites like the Gyanvapi Mosque in Varanasi and the Shahi Idgah in Mathura. With political figures such as AIMIM chief Asaduddin Owaisi and Samajwadi Party leader Iqra Choudhary advocating the law’s strict enforcement, the matter remains deeply contentious.

The crux of the legal challenge revolves around Sections 3 and 4 of the Act, which prevent judicial intervention in altering religious sites’ historical character. Petitioners like lawyer Ashwini Upadhyay argue that these provisions infringe on fundamental rights by barring legal remedies to reclaim sites that may have been modified under past regimes. In contrast, Muslim organizations such as Jamiat Ulama-i-Hind insist that any dilution of the Act could destabilize India’s delicate religious equilibrium by triggering an endless cycle of historical revisionism.

Analyzing this situation on an international level reveals stark contrasts in how different nations handle religious site disputes. The United States, for instance, operates under a robust legal framework of secularism while allowing religious organizations significant political influence. While disputes over historical religious sites are rare, when they arise, they are settled within strict legal confines without disrupting broader societal harmony. France, under its laïcité principle, enforces a rigid separation of religion and state, banning overt religious symbols in public spaces, which minimizes religious disputes but creates alienation among religious communities.

China takes an entirely different approach by maintaining strict state control over religious sites, suppressing any claims that could challenge governmental authority. The Chinese Communist Party regulates religious practices to ensure they align with nationalistic ideals, preventing any potential unrest. The United Kingdom follows a more accommodative model, allowing legal interventions in religious matters while ensuring historical grievances do not fuel contemporary discord. Historical claims are rarely entertained, and religious harmony is largely maintained through a balanced legal approach.

Unlike these models, India grapples with a deeply pluralistic but divided religious landscape, where history and faith intersect with politics at every level. The existence of multiple claims over religious sites creates a cacophony that no single legal framework can comprehensively address. The 1991 Act sought to freeze history in an attempt to prevent perpetual religious disputes, but the rising tide of petitions and political maneuvers continues to challenge its authority.

Data highlights the extent of this issue. Since 1991, there have been over 300 legal cases related to religious sites across India, with Hindu and Muslim communities both staking claims on different historical structures. The Ayodhya verdict set a precedent, but with lawsuits concerning sites such as Gyanvapi Mosque, Shahi Idgah, and Kamal Maula Mosque still active, the judiciary faces an uphill task in maintaining consistency in its rulings while preventing communal flare-ups.

The Indian judiciary’s role has been increasingly politicized, with different factions interpreting verdicts based on ideological lines. While the Supreme Court attempts to uphold constitutional principles, political parties often leverage religious site disputes for electoral gains, fueling polarization. The question remains: should the judiciary serve as the final arbiter of historical grievances, or should political consensus drive resolutions?

If the Supreme Court upholds the Places of Worship Act, it would reinforce the idea that historical grievances cannot dictate contemporary governance. However, striking down or amending the Act could open floodgates for new disputes, leading to a destabilization of the social fabric. The challenge lies in balancing historical justice with the need to preserve communal harmony. Given India’s political climate, where religion remains a potent force in public discourse, any verdict will have profound consequences.

In a country where religious identity is deeply intertwined with national politics, resolving disputes over worship sites requires more than just legal pronouncements. It necessitates a broader consensus, political will, and a commitment to social cohesion. International models demonstrate that clear legal boundaries, state neutrality, and minimal political interference can maintain harmony. India must evolve its approach, ensuring that its legal framework is not only robust but also adaptable enough to address emerging challenges without endangering secularism or social stability.

( Author, a seasoned bilingual journalist is an expert on Jharkhand’s sociopolitical landscape.He can be reached at  Pandeysanjay945@gmail.com)

Amit Pandey

of reforming and strengthening public universities, it has chosen to make them vulnerable to political interference and administrative inefficiencies. The case of North Eastern Hill University (NEHU) is a glaring example of how public universities are being sabotaged. The Vice-Chancellor of NEHU has been denied entry into the university for the last four months, a clear indication of the chaos prevailing within one of the most prestigious institutions in the Northeast. If a government-funded university faces such disorder, what does it say about the state of higher education governance in India?

The issue of private universities functioning with absolute impunity was even raised in the last Parliament session, where Minister of State for Education Sukanta Majumdar made sensational disclosures about widespread irregularities in India’s higher education system. He admitted that several private institutions were running unauthorized courses, granting degrees without proper accreditation, and violating UGC norms. Yet, despite these admissions, no stringent action has been taken.

This brings us to a fundamental question: why hasn’t the government introduced an ordinance to regulate private universities? If higher education is indeed a matter of state importance, as the numerous mishaps suggest, why hasn’t there been a nationwide crackdown on these fraudulent institutions? The government’s unwillingness to act raises suspicions that privatization of education is not merely a policy failure but a deliberate strategy to weaken the public education system and push students toward unreliable private entities.

The slow dismantling of India’s educational institutions is a result of misplaced priorities. Instead of investing in public universities, ensuring better faculty recruitment, and providing adequate research funding, the government has consistently reduced grants for public institutions. The University Grants Commission (UGC) itself has faced budget cuts, leaving many state universities struggling to maintain academic standards. As a result, students who cannot afford expensive private institutions are left with subpar public education, while those who opt for private universities often find themselves holding degrees that lack credibility.

The crisis is further exacerbated by rampant commercialization. Many private universities function more like businesses than academic institutions, prioritizing revenue over education. They charge exorbitant fees, admit students indiscriminately, and grant degrees without proper evaluation. This is evident in the mushrooming of private engineering and management colleges across the country, where thousands of students graduate every year only to find that their degrees hold little value in the job market. The growing unemployment among graduates is a direct consequence of this failing system.

Another pressing concern is the politicization of education. The appointment of Vice-Chancellors based on political loyalty rather than merit has weakened the academic credibility of several institutions. In states like Uttar Pradesh and Bihar, allegations of political interference in university appointments have become common, leading to a decline in research output and academic excellence. When institutions are run by political appointees rather than qualified academicians, the very purpose of education is lost.

The deterioration of India’s higher education system also has far-reaching implications for the country’s global standing. Indian universities are consistently absent from the top rankings of global academic institutions, largely because they fail to maintain rigorous academic and research standards. The best Indian students now prefer to study abroad, causing a brain drain that further weakens the country’s intellectual capital. If this trend continues, India risks becoming an exporter of talent while failing to create a robust domestic education system.

It is time to acknowledge that India’s education system is at a breaking point. The exposure of fraudulent universities, the neglect of public institutions, the lack of regulatory oversight, and the government’s complicity in allowing private players to dominate the sector are all symptoms of a failing state. If the government does not take immediate action—by imposing stricter regulations, increasing public funding for universities, and ensuring accountability—it will only accelerate the collapse of higher education in the country.

The government’s current approach appears to be one of deliberate neglect, allowing the education sector to crumble under the weight of corruption, mismanagement, and commercialization. The NEHU crisis, the USTM scandal, and the revelations in Parliament are all warning signs that the system is being hollowed out from within. The question now is not just about fake degrees or fraudulent private universities—it is about whether India’s next generation will have access to quality higher education at all. If the government fails to act, the damage may soon become irreversible.

( Author is Managing Editor of The Emerging World)

Ultimately, this kind of politics undermines the momentum of genuine democratic progress. As political analyst and philosopher Jean-Jacques Rousseau once said, “Democracy is not just about the vote, but about the dignity and respect accorded to each citizen.”

Amit Pandey

Indian politics has indeed reached a pivotal moment where the concept of family pride and blood connection have become deeply intertwined with political discourse. Recent events have put this into sharp focus, particularly the accusations against Gaurav Gogoi by BJP leaders, including Himanta Biswa Sarma, that his wife, Elizabeth, has connections with an NGO allegedly linked to Pakistan’s ISI, the intelligence service. Despite Gaurav’s dismissal of these allegations as “ridiculous and entertaining,” the BJP continues to press the issue, with Himanta leading the charge.

The question arises as to how such serious allegations can be leveled against the Deputy Leader of the Opposition in the Lok Sabha without concrete evidence or proper investigation. Gaurav Gogoi holds a vital position in Indian politics, second only to Rahul Gandhi in the Congress hierarchy. Yet, Himanta’s relentless attacks on Gaurav and his family go unchecked.

If the BJP truly believes in the veracity of these claims, they should pursue a discreet and thorough investigation to maintain the decorum and dignity of political positions. Should the allegations prove true, the law should take its course. However, it appears that the BJP’s motive is to defame Gaurav Gogoi by repeatedly making the same accusations, which serves to distract from their own political challenges.

This is not the first time the BJP has resorted to such tactics. From 1996 to 2004, Sonia Gandhi faced relentless criticism over her Italian origins and supposed threats to national security. Despite these accusations, the Congress eventually came to power, and the issue was dropped. Similarly, Shashi Tharoor faced scrutiny over his wife, Sunanda Pushkar, and other allegations. The pattern seems to be an attempt to undermine leaders by targeting their families, often focusing on marriages to women who respect Indian culture and have integrated into Indian society.

Himanta Biswa Sarma, known for his aggressive Hindutva stance, has become a prominent figure in the BJP’s strategy. His attacks on Rahul Gandhi and other opposition leaders often cross the boundaries of healthy democratic discourse. The country’s current political climate, characterized by divisive rhetoric and populist tactics, has made it easier for such narratives to gain traction.

The use of slogans like Yogi Adityanath’s “Thok Denge” (We’ll hit them) and Himanta’s “Sabko Bhagna Padega” (Everyone will have to flee) reflect a style of politics that prioritizes sensationalism over substance. Analysts suggest that this approach aims to gain cheap popularity and divert attention from the government’s failures.

Ultimately, this kind of politics undermines the momentum of genuine democratic progress. As political analyst and philosopher Jean-Jacques Rousseau once said, “Democracy is not just about the vote, but about the dignity and respect accorded to each citizen.” Similarly, the Mahabharata teaches us, “A king should seek to establish the rule of law, ensure justice, and maintain harmony.” These timeless principles remind us that the true essence of democracy lies in compassion, respect, and the rule of law, which should guide political conduct in India.

This reflection on the state of Indian politics underscores the need for a return to a more respectful and dignified discourse, where issues are addressed on their merits, and personal attacks are set aside in favor of constructive dialogue and progress.

The political rivalry between Assam Chief Minister Himanta Biswa Sarma and Congress MP Gaurav Gogoi has taken an intensely personal turn. Sarma has accused Gogoi’s wife, Elizabeth Gogoi, of alleged links to Pakistan’s ISI, citing her past work with an NGO associated with Pakistani nationals. In retaliation, Gogoi has dismissed these allegations as baseless and politically motivated, linking them to his earlier exposé of Sarma’s wife, Riniki Bhuyan Sarma, receiving ₹10 crore in Central grants for her media company. This political battle has sparked a debate on the ethics of personal attacks in Indian politics.

Himanta Biswa Sarma’s Allegations:

On February 13, 2025, CM Himanta Biswa Sarma questioned the legitimacy of a lawmaker’s spouse holding foreign citizenship for over a decade. He implied that Elizabeth Gogoi’s prolonged foreign status could raise national security concerns, stating, “Allowing a foreign spouse of a lawmaker to retain foreign citizenship for 12 years is far too long. Loyalty to the nation must always take precedence over all considerations.”

Taking his claims further, Sarma accused Elizabeth of working under a Pakistani national, Ali Tauqeer Sheikh, in an NGO that was engaged in climate research but allegedly had deeper connections. He remarked, “Elizabeth Colburn w/o Hon’ble MP worked under Ali Tauqeer Sheikh in the organisation LEAD Pakistan, which operated under the guise of climate change initiatives.”

Sarma also brought up a 2015 meeting between Gaurav Gogoi and Pakistan’s then-High Commissioner to India, Abdul Basit, insinuating that this, coupled with Elizabeth’s professional background, could indicate external influence on Gogoi’s political activities. He stated, “In 2015, the Pakistani High Commissioner to India… invited a first-term Member of Parliament… to discuss India-Pakistan relations.”

Gaurav Gogoi’s Retaliation:

Gogoi was quick to dismiss the allegations, calling them a diversionary tactic to shift focus from Sarma’s own issues. Referring to the accusations against his wife, he sarcastically remarked, “If my wife is an ISI agent of Pakistan, then I am an R&AW agent of India.”

Gogoi pointed out that such attacks were politically motivated, timed conveniently before elections to malign opposition figures. He stated, “Normally these kinds of things emerge close to elections… These ‘masala’ things come up around elections.”

He also turned the spotlight on the ongoing controversy surrounding Sarma’s wife, Riniki Bhuyan Sarma. In September 2023, Gogoi had accused Riniki of receiving ₹10 crore in Central government grants meant for farmers, channeled through a scheme to her media company. The revelation led to a political uproar, with Riniki filing a ₹10 crore defamation lawsuit against Gogoi. Referring to this, Gogoi said, “The Assam Chief Minister is making these allegations only to divert attention from the allegations against him.”

Experts suggest that Sarma’s attacks on Gogoi’s family are a strategic move to deflect from the BJP’s internal controversies and the financial scandal surrounding his wife. Congress leaders argue that such personal attacks degrade political discourse and indicate desperation. BJP leaders, including Gaurav Bhatia, however, have backed Sarma, demanding clarification from Gogoi regarding his wife’s alleged foreign links, calling it a “serious national security issue.”

This escalating battle reflects the deep-seated rivalries in Assam politics, where personal allegations are being weaponized in the run-up to elections.

Elizabeth Colburn, the British-born spouse of Congress MP Gaurav Gogoi, has a professional background centered on climate change and development. She is an alumna of the London School of Economics, where she pursued studies pertinent to her career in environmental policy and management.

From March 2011 to January 2015, Colburn was associated with the Climate and Development Knowledge Network (CDKN) in Pakistan. In this role, she coordinated country programs in India and Nepal and led knowledge management initiatives. Currently, Colburn is employed by Oxford Policy Management, focusing on climate-related issues.

Her marriage to Gaurav Gogoi in 2013 has recently come under political scrutiny, with allegations concerning her professional associations. However, these claims have been refuted by the involved parties.

BJP’s Strategy Behind Attacking

From Sonia Gandhi’s foreign origins to Shashi Tharoor’s late wife Sunanda Pushkar and now Gaurav Gogoi’s spouse, the BJP has consistently used personal allegations as a political tool against Congress leaders. The pattern suggests a strategic attempt to undermine Congress leaders’ credibility by questioning their familial associations and ties to foreign entities.

Sonia Gandhi and the Foreign Citizenship Debate (1996-2004)
The BJP’s attacks on Sonia Gandhi intensified in the late 1990s when she emerged as Congress’ most powerful leader. The party repeatedly raised concerns over her Italian origins, arguing that a person of foreign descent should not hold India’s highest office. BJP stalwarts like Sushma Swaraj and Narendra Modi led campaigns suggesting Sonia’s Indian citizenship was a political maneuver. This narrative was used to create suspicion about Congress’ leadership and to rally nationalist sentiments ahead of elections.

Shashi Tharoor, Sunanda Pushkar, and Controversies
In 2010, Shashi Tharoor’s association with Sunanda Pushkar became a major political controversy when allegations surfaced regarding the Kochi IPL team. The issue escalated in 2014 when Sunanda was found dead under mysterious circumstances. BJP leaders frequently raised this case, implying Tharoor had questionable dealings. The controversy was kept alive to weaken his political standing.

Gaurav Gogoi’s Wife and the ISI Allegation
Now, Assam CM Himanta Biswa Sarma has targeted Gaurav Gogoi by questioning his wife’s past professional associations and foreign citizenship. By linking her to Pakistan’s ISI, BJP aims to create doubts about Gogoi’s national loyalty. This serves to shift focus from corruption allegations against Sarma’s family and weaken Congress in Assam before elections.

This pattern reveals BJP’s strategy of using personal allegations to damage Congress leaders while diverting public attention from governance issues.

Political experts, authors, and commentators see BJP’s personal attacks—especially linking Congress leaders’ spouses to foreign or suspicious entities—as part of a larger political strategy. These tactics serve multiple objectives, from influencing voter perception to diverting attention from pressing governance issues. The recent allegations by Assam Chief Minister Himanta Biswa Sarma against Gaurav Gogoi’s wife are being viewed in the same light.

Senior journalist and political analyst Paranjoy Guha Thakurta notes that BJP has consistently used nationalism as a key electoral strategy. By questioning the foreign connections of Congress leaders’ spouses—from Sonia Gandhi’s Italian origins to Gaurav Gogoi’s wife’s alleged links to Pakistan—BJP strengthens its nationalist credentials while portraying Congress as weak on national security. This approach resonates particularly well with BJP’s core voter base, which is sensitive to issues of foreign influence and sovereignty.

According to veteran columnist Aakar Patel, these attacks often come at moments when BJP leaders face scrutiny over governance failures or corruption allegations. The timing of Sarma’s accusations against Gogoi’s wife coincides with Congress’ focus on Sarma’s wife receiving ₹10 crore in government grants. The same pattern was observed when Shashi Tharoor faced personal attacks following the controversy surrounding Sunanda Pushkar’s death. Patel argues that such diversions help BJP control the political narrative and prevent discussions on governance lapses.

Author and political commentator Ashutosh believes that BJP follows a strategy of “psychological warfare” against opposition leaders. By attacking their personal lives—whether through foreign connections, alleged illicit relationships, or corruption—BJP aims to weaken the opposition’s morale and credibility. Sarma, once a Congress leader himself, has built his political identity in BJP by aggressively targeting his former colleagues, but his own record as Assam’s Chief Minister has been marred by several failures.

Sarma has faced criticism for his handling of Assam’s flood crisis, with inadequate relief measures leaving thousands stranded. His government’s crackdown on alleged “love jihad” cases and bulldozer politics have drawn legal challenges, questioning the arbitrary use of state power. Furthermore, Assam’s economic situation remains concerning, with rising unemployment and agrarian distress continuing to trouble the state. Instead of addressing these pressing concerns, Sarma has chosen to engage in political attacks, which experts believe is an attempt to mask his administration’s inefficiencies.

Noted psephologist and analyst Pradeep Gupta suggests that BJP carefully selects such narratives before elections to weaken its opponents. In 2019, BJP leaders revived the Rajiv Gandhi-Bofors issue, and now ahead of the 2024 elections, Gaurav Gogoi’s wife is being targeted. This is a calculated move to put Congress on the defensive while BJP retains the upper hand in narrative-setting.

Experts agree that BJP’s personal attacks are not isolated incidents but part of a structured political strategy. By intertwining nationalism, public perception, and narrative control, BJP ensures that opposition leaders remain constantly on the defensive. However, Sarma’s growing reliance on these tactics instead of governance improvements suggests a leader more focused on political maneuvering than on delivering results for Assam.

BJP’s repeated attacks on opposition leaders’ spouses reflect a well-planned strategy aimed at shaping public perception, discrediting rivals, and diverting attention from governance failures. Whether it was the controversy around Sonia Gandhi’s foreign origins, the allegations surrounding Sunanda Pushkar, or the recent claims against Gaurav Gogoi’s wife, the pattern remains consistent—raise doubts, question national loyalty, and push the opposition into a defensive position. This approach not only consolidates BJP’s nationalist image but also prevents meaningful debates on governance and policy issues.

In Assam, Himanta Biswa Sarma’s reliance on personal attacks appears to be an attempt to mask his own administrative shortcomings. From inadequate flood relief to rising unemployment and controversial crackdowns, his tenure has been marked by unfulfilled promises and criticism. By targeting Gogoi’s wife at a time when his own wife’s financial dealings are under scrutiny, Sarma is playing a familiar game of deflection.

However, experts argue that such tactics, while effective in the short term, do not erase governance failures. If BJP and leaders like Sarma continue prioritizing personal attacks over policy-driven leadership, voter dissatisfaction may eventually rise, challenging their dominance in future elections. Politics based on narratives can only last as long as governance remains unchallenged.

( Author is Managing Editor Of The Emerging World)