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Expanding Ayushman Bharat: Challenges in Elderly Care

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Tauqeer Khan

India is at a critical juncture in its healthcare journey. The expansion of the Ayushman Bharat health insurance scheme to cover all senior citizens above 70 years, regardless of income status, represents a promising shift in how the country addresses the needs of its elderly population. However, the effectiveness of this policy change hinges on a deeper engagement with the underlying issues in India’s healthcare infrastructure. As India’s elderly population grows, this expansion must be carefully managed to ensure that it translates into real, high-quality care for senior citizens.

The Current Landscape of Elderly Care in India

The demographic profile of India is undergoing a dramatic transformation. By 2050, it is projected that the elderly population will double, reaching approximately 320 million and comprising nearly 20% of the total population. This shift will have profound implications not only for the healthcare system but for societal structures as a whole. The elderly, often requiring long-term care for chronic conditions such as diabetes, arthritis, and heart disease, will demand increased healthcare resources and specialized services.

Unfortunately, India’s healthcare infrastructure is currently not well-equipped to meet these rising demands. Presently, India’s expenditure on healthcare stands at just over 1.17% of its Gross Domestic Product (GDP)—a figure that is among the lowest globally. This limited funding has resulted in significant gaps in healthcare services, particularly in rural and semi-urban areas where access to care is already restricted.

The Expansion of Ayushman Bharat: Opportunities and Risks

The Ayushman Bharat scheme, which aims to provide health insurance coverage to the economically vulnerable segments of society, has already made substantial strides since its inception. The recent decision to expand the scheme to include all senior citizens above 70 years, regardless of their income status, is a commendable move. It reflects an understanding of the unique challenges faced by the elderly and acknowledges the need for a more inclusive approach to healthcare.

However, this expansion presents several challenges that must be addressed to ensure its success. One of the primary concerns is the risk of substandard care resulting from insufficient funding. The expansion of the scheme without a corresponding increase in public healthcare expenditure could lead to cost-cutting measures at the State level. This scenario might result in poor quality of care, particularly in economically weaker regions where healthcare resources are already stretched thin.

The Risk of Regional Disparities

India’s diverse socio-economic landscape means that the impact of the Ayushman Bharat expansion will not be uniform across the country. Wealthier States may have the resources and infrastructure to manage the increased demand effectively, while poorer States could struggle with disparities in healthcare quality and accessibility. This uneven distribution of resources could exacerbate existing regional inequalities and undermine the objective of providing equitable care to all senior citizens.

A recent report by the Comptroller and Auditor General (CAG) highlighted several issues with the implementation of the Ayushman Bharat scheme. The report revealed instances of widespread corruption and non-compliance with prescribed standards by empanelled hospitals. Such discrepancies not only impact the quality of care but also erode public trust in the scheme. The lack of adequate empanelled hospitals to meet growing needs further complicates the situation, leading to delays and reduced access to care.

The Gap in Geriatric Care Infrastructure

One of the most pressing issues in India’s healthcare system is the lack of specialized geriatric care. According to a 2021 report from the Ministry of Health and Family Welfare, only 0.2% of hospitals in India have dedicated geriatric care units. This stark inadequacy highlights a significant gap in the healthcare system, particularly given the increasing need for specialized care for elderly patients.

The absence of geriatric care units is compounded by the fact that many medical colleges in India do not offer specialized training in geriatrics. This lack of training means that there is a shortage of healthcare professionals with the expertise needed to provide high-quality care for the elderly. The growing demand for geriatric care must be matched with a corresponding increase in the number of trained professionals and specialized facilities to ensure that the expanded insurance coverage translates into effective and comprehensive care.

Addressing Outpatient Care Needs

Another critical aspect of elderly care that is currently overlooked by the Ayushman Bharat scheme is outpatient care. While the scheme provides coverage for inpatient services, it does not extend to outpatient care. This is a significant gap, given that 40-80% of health expenditure in India is on outpatient services. Many elderly individuals require regular outpatient visits for chronic conditions, follow-up treatments, and preventive care. The exclusion of outpatient services from the scheme could leave a substantial portion of elderly patients without necessary care and exacerbate their health issues over time.

The Role of Traditional Support Systems

In addition to addressing gaps in healthcare infrastructure, it is crucial to recognize the role of traditional support systems. Historically, extended families have played a significant role in providing care for the elderly. However, the rise of nuclear families and the weakening of traditional support systems over recent decades have left many elderly individuals without adequate care. This shift underscores the need for a robust, formalized healthcare system that can step in to fill the void left by these changing family structures.

Recommendations for a Sustainable Approach

To address these challenges and ensure that the expanded Ayushman Bharat scheme provides effective care for the elderly, several key actions are needed:

  • Increase Public Healthcare Funding : To support the expanded coverage and improve the quality of care, there must be a significant increase in public healthcare expenditure. This funding should be targeted at both improving existing infrastructure and developing new facilities, particularly in underserved areas.
  • Develop Specialized Geriatric Care Units : Investing in specialized geriatric care units and training programs for healthcare professionals is essential. This investment will help bridge the current gap in geriatric care and ensure that elderly patients receive the expertise and attention they need.
  • Expand Outpatient Coverage : The Ayushman Bharat scheme should be expanded to include outpatient care services. This inclusion will address a significant portion of healthcare needs for the elderly and provide a more comprehensive coverage package.
  • Strengthen Implementation and Oversight : To address issues of corruption and non-compliance, there must be strengthened oversight mechanisms for the implementation of the scheme. Ensuring that empanelled hospitals adhere to prescribed standards is critical to maintaining the quality of care.
  • Focus on Regional Equity : Special attention should be given to addressing regional disparities in healthcare quality and accessibility. This includes allocating additional resources to economically weaker States and ensuring that they are equipped to manage the increased demand for care.
  • Enhance Community-Based Support Systems : Developing community-based support systems and integrating them with formal healthcare services can help fill gaps left by traditional family structures. Community health workers and local support networks can play a vital role in providing care and support to elderly individuals.

The expansion of the Ayushman Bharat scheme to cover all senior citizens above 70 years is a significant and positive step towards improving healthcare access for the elderly. However, to realize the full potential of this initiative, it is crucial to address the broader systemic issues within India’s healthcare infrastructure. By increasing funding, investing in specialized care, expanding coverage, and strengthening oversight, India can ensure that its elderly population receives the high-quality care they deserve. As the country navigates this demographic transition, a holistic and well-resourced approach to elderly care will be essential in providing equitable and effective healthcare services to all senior citizens.

Haryana : Caste Alliances Crumble, BJP Struggles as Leaders Abandon Ship

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Disillusionment with the BJP is evident particularly in cities along the G.T. Road belt like Panipat, Sonipat, Karnal and Ambala

Shailendra Gautam

Chandigarh : The political landscape in Haryana is undergoing a seismic shift, as the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) grapples with a wave of discontent and defections. On September 8, G.L. Sharma, the vice-president of the Haryana BJP, announced his resignation, a move that was soon followed by over 250 other officials who switched allegiance to the Congress. This exodus marks the fifth consecutive day of mass resignations from the BJP, which have included state cabinet ministers, sitting MLAs, and influential leaders at both state and district levels.

The catalyst for this upheaval was the BJP’s release of its first list of 67 candidates for the upcoming Assembly elections on September 4. The announcement sparked internal revolts within the party, highlighting deep-seated dissatisfaction with party leadership and growing concerns about the BJP’s electoral prospects. However, the unrest within the party had been brewing long before the release of this list, driven by a series of grievances regarding the party’s leadership and its apparent faltering momentum.

Historically, the BJP has struggled to establish a dominant presence in Haryana. In the state’s inaugural Assembly election of 1967, the Bharatiya Jana Sangh, the BJP’s predecessor, secured only 12 out of 81 seats. As Haryana’s farming community gained influence, the BJP’s seat count generally remained in single digits, with occasional alliances formed to consolidate opposition votes. It was not until the 2014 elections that the BJP made a notable breakthrough, riding the so-called ‘Modi wave’ and forming what was termed an anti-Jat alliance at the state level.

This strategy aimed to unite Banias, Punjabis, and backward castes to counterbalance the Jat population, which the BJP perceived as a major voting bloc. Despite initial success, this alliance strategy had its limitations in Haryana’s closely-knit society. Traditionally, the Dalit and backward communities in Haryana had been aligned with the Congress, which had managed to build a broad-based coalition over time. The BJP’s attempts to break into this voter base through defections and alliances had limited success, even though it did manage to attract some prominent figures like Rao Indrajit Singh to win over Ahir voters.

The 2014 Assembly elections saw the BJP narrowly securing a majority, largely due to a combination of anti-incumbency sentiment against the Congress, which had been in power for a decade, and the absence of prominent opposition leader Om Prakash Chautala, who was jailed over a recruitment scam. The BJP capitalized on these circumstances, but the subsequent 2019 Assembly elections presented new challenges. Om Prakash Chautala’s grandson, Dushyant Chautala, launched the Jannayak Janata Party (JJP), which split the anti-BJP vote and led to a hung assembly. The BJP’s response was to employ ‘Operation Kamal’, offering Chautala the deputy chief minister position to secure a coalition government.

The next five years under the BJP’s rule were marked by significant challenges, including the COVID-19 pandemic and widespread farmers’ protests. The BJP’s handling of the farmers’ protests, which involved barricading Delhi’s borders and confronting the protestors, alienated not only the Jats but also other farming communities. This created a hostile environment for BJP leaders, who faced difficulties in holding public meetings or participating in events due to widespread farmer opposition.

As the 2024 Lok Sabha elections approached, the BJP attempted to address the growing discontent by replacing Chief Minister Manohar Lal Khattar with Nayab Singh Saini, an OBC leader, in a bid to counter anti-incumbency and appeal to the Other Backward Classes (OBCs). Despite this strategy, the Lok Sabha results indicated that the party’s efforts were not successful in shifting voter sentiment.

Disillusionment with the BJP is particularly pronounced in cities along the G.T. Road belt, including Panipat, Sonipat, Karnal, and Ambala. These urban centers, once considered strongholds of BJP support, are witnessing a shift in loyalties. Reports suggest that the BJP is struggling to maintain its base among city dwellers and traditional supporters from the Punjabi and Vaish communities, who were once crucial to its electoral success.

The BJP’s carefully constructed caste-based alliances have begun to unravel, exposing the party to a more volatile political landscape. The erosion of these alliances has significantly undermined the BJP’s influence in Haryana, leaving it in a precarious position as it attempts to regain the trust of communities that once played a pivotal role in its success.

In this tumultuous environment, individual political careers are also in flux. For instance, Vinesh Phogat, a prominent wrestler, is contesting the upcoming Assembly elections from the Julana seat on a Congress ticket. Her candidacy has drawn attention not only because of her popularity but also due to the political maneuvering involved. Phogat faced challenges with her resignation from Indian Railways, which initially delayed her ability to contest. However, the urgency of her candidacy and the broader political implications likely influenced the swift resolution of her resignation process.

Similarly, Sunil Sangwan, an ex-jailor who received a BJP ticket for the Dadri constituency, opted for voluntary retirement from his position as Bhondsi Jail superintendent. This move, expedited under political pressure, reflects the complexities and strategic maneuvers often involved in the political sphere.

As Haryana navigates this period of political upheaval, the BJP’s struggle to maintain its foothold in the state serves as a reflection of broader challenges facing the party. The crumbling of caste alliances and the wave of defections highlight the difficulties the BJP faces in adapting to changing political dynamics and voter sentiment. The coming months will be crucial in determining whether the BJP can regain its footing or if the growing discontent will reshape Haryana’s political landscape.

Jharkhand: Pre-Poll Hysteria Over ‘Love and Land Jihad’

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  • Mineral rich state’s political scene is currently marked by high stakes and intense rhetoric
  • Thousands of Bangladeshi Muslims, Amit Shah claimed in July, had infiltrated Santhal Pargana, married Adivasi women and occupied land

Anant Tiwari

Ranchi : As Jharkhand braces for its Assembly elections at the end of December, a dramatic and contentious narrative has emerged, largely fueled by political actors from the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP). At the heart of this controversy is the claim that thousands of Bangladeshi Muslims have infiltrated the Santhal Pargana region, married Adivasi women, and occupied tribal lands. This accusation, made by Union Home Minister Amit Shah in July, has sparked significant debate and agitation within the state. However, the veracity of these claims remains highly questionable.

Political Rhetoric and Allegations

In July, Amit Shah alleged that Santhal Pargana, a region in Jharkhand, had seen an influx of Bangladeshi Muslims who, according to him, had married Adivasi women and encroached upon tribal land. This assertion has been echoed by several prominent BJP leaders, including MP Nishikant Dubey, former Chief Ministers Babulal Marandi and Champai Soren, and Asha Lakra from the National Commission for Scheduled Tribes (NCST). The BJP’s aggressive campaign has framed these events under the banner of ‘love and land jihad,’ attempting to paint a picture of systematic demographic and territorial invasion.

Despite these sensational claims, the Government of India has consistently maintained that there is no concrete data on undocumented Bangladeshis residing in India. In fact, the Supreme Court was informed that it is impossible to accurately quantify the number of such individuals. This lack of evidence casts doubt on the BJP’s narrative, which continues to gain traction through relentless media propagation.

Ground Reality of Land Alienation

Jharkhand has long faced challenges related to land alienation, particularly affecting its Adivasi communities. The Chotanagpur Tenancy (CNT) Act of 1908 and the Santhal Pargana Tenancy (SPT) Act of 1949 were enacted to safeguard tribal land from being transferred to non-tribals. Despite these legal protections, large tracts of Adivasi land have been taken without proper consent. The actual perpetrators of this land alienation are not foreign infiltrators but rather a complex interplay of state actors and industrial interests.

Corruption, coercion, forgery, and manipulation of land records are common methods through which tribal land has been appropriated. Issues such as dubious ‘deeds of donation’ and informal transactions further complicate the situation. The BJP’s focus on alleged Bangladeshi infiltration diverts attention from these more pressing and concrete issues of land rights and corruption.

Scrutiny of the ‘Love Jihad’ Claims

The BJP’s narrative of ‘love jihad’ has been scrutinized and found wanting. Asha Lakra, a key figure in propagating these claims, mentioned specific instances of Adivasi women being married to Bangladeshi infiltrators. However, these claims have been debunked. Investigations reveal that some of the women cited had married Adivasi men, while others had married local Hindus. The so-called ‘evidence’ of forced marriages involving Muslims was largely fabricated or taken out of context.
A field survey conducted by the Jharkhand Janadhikar Mahasabha and the Loktantra Bachao Abhiyan in Sahibganj also contradicted the BJP’s narrative. The survey found no evidence of Bangladeshi infiltrators and confirmed that local couples, including those married to Muslims, had not been coerced. Instead, the survey highlighted widespread violations of the SPT Act and noted that police harassment was a more pressing issue.
Jharkhand Chief Minister Hemant Soren has dismissed the allegations of ‘love jihad’ as baseless. He points out that Jharkhand does not share an international border with Bangladesh, which raises questions about the logistics of any alleged infiltration. Despite this, BJP leaders Babulal Marandi and Champai Soren have continued to support and amplify these claims, contributing to an increasingly heated pre-election atmosphere.

Internal BJP Dynamics and Political Maneuvering

The BJP’s pre-election strategy has involved significant political maneuvering. Champai Soren, who briefly served as Chief Minister after Hemant Soren’s arrest on June 28, was not welcomed back by Soren upon his release. This incident, combined with the government’s recent controversial legislation, triggered a political crisis. Champai Soren’s alleged attempt to switch allegiance to the BJP was seen as a major threat to Hemant Soren’s leadership.

Faced with this challenge, Hemant Soren swiftly acted to counter the potential defection. He instructed Champai Soren to resign from his post, a move that was seen as both a tactical and symbolic gesture to solidify his own position. Champai Soren’s subsequent decision to join the BJP, motivated by personal and political grievances, was intended to bolster the BJP’s prospects in Jharkhand.

Impact of Champai Soren’s Defection

Champai Soren’s switch to the BJP was expected to be a game-changer, potentially enhancing the party’s position in the Kolhan region, which had been a stronghold for the JMM. However, the impact has been underwhelming. The BJP’s efforts to leverage Soren’s defection have not translated into significant political gains. Despite hopes of capturing 8-9 seats in the Kolhan region, the BJP has struggled to make inroads. Soren’s defection has not led to a mass exodus of JMM legislators, and the BJP’s performance in the region remains lackluster.

The Kolhan region, which elects 14 MLAs to the state assembly, saw the JMM win 12 seats in the last election. Champai Soren’s previous defeat in the 2019 Lok Sabha elections, where he lost to the BJP by a substantial margin, further underscores the limited impact of his political switch. The BJP’s struggles in the region are compounded by internal dissent and the presence of formidable local leaders like Arjun Munda and Raghubar Das.

The Broader Political Scenario

The BJP’s pre-poll campaign in Jharkhand reflects broader national trends, where the party has employed polarizing strategies to galvanize support. The ‘love jihad’ narrative, while controversial, is part of a larger strategy to mobilize certain voter bases by stoking fears and uncertainties. However, this approach has faced significant pushback from local communities and political analysts who question the legitimacy of these claims.


As Jharkhand heads towards its Assembly elections, the focus on ‘love jihad’ and land issues illustrates the volatile and contentious nature of the state’s political landscape. With both the BJP and opposition parties engaging in strategic maneuvering, the elections are shaping up to be a fiercely contested battle. The BJP’s attempt to leverage sensational allegations and internal defections highlights the party’s desperation to shift the electoral dynamics in its favor.


Jharkhand’s political scene is currently marked by high stakes and intense rhetoric. The BJP’s allegations of ‘love jihad’ and land invasion, while generating considerable media attention, lack substantiation and divert focus from the real issues affecting the state’s Adivasi communities. The unfolding political drama, including Champai Soren’s defection and the BJP’s strategic maneuvering, underscores the complexity of Jharkhand’s electoral politics.


As the state prepares for its Assembly elections, the implications of these developments will be closely watched. The ability of the BJP and other parties to navigate the shifting political landscape will be crucial in determining the outcome of the elections and the future trajectory of Jharkhand’s governance.

“Revolutionizing Indian Cotton with Next-Gen GM Seeds”

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The adoption of advanced GM seed technologies presents a compelling opportunity to address these issues, enhance production, and drive economic benefits across the country

Ravindra Ojha

India’s cotton industry, a linchpin of its agricultural and textile economy, is poised for a significant transformation with the introduction of next-generation GM seeds. From modest beginnings in the mid-20th century to becoming the world’s leading cotton producer, India’s cotton sector has demonstrated remarkable growth. However, the sector faces critical challenges that threaten to undermine its progress. The adoption of advanced GM seed technologies presents a compelling opportunity to address these issues, enhance production, and drive economic benefits across the country.

India’s journey in cotton production has been marked by gradual but steady progress. In the 1950s and 1960s, cotton yields were around 130 kg per hectare, with an average production of approximately 60 lakh bales. By 2002-03, advancements in irrigation, fertilizers, and pesticides had increased yields to 302 kg per hectare and production to 136 lakh bales. This upward trajectory highlighted the potential for growth in Indian cotton agriculture.

The introduction of Bt cotton in 2002 revolutionized the industry. Monsanto’s first-generation GM technology significantly improved yields by 25-60% compared to traditional varieties and reduced pesticide usage. Bt cotton also offered higher oil content, benefiting ginners and oil mills. By 2014-15, cotton acreage had expanded from 76.3 lakh hectares to 128.5 lakh hectares, with yields reaching 511 kg per hectare and production peaking at 398 lakh bales. This surge in production helped India surpass China as the world’s largest cotton producer.

Despite the early successes, the cotton sector faced setbacks with the emergence of the pink bollworm resistance. From 2014 onwards, resistance to Bt cotton became evident, with significant infestations reported in Gujarat, Madhya Pradesh, Maharashtra, Telangana, Andhra Pradesh, and Karnataka. By 2017-18, pink bollworm infestations had reached epidemic levels, leading to 10-30% yield losses. This crisis has underscored the limitations of the current Bt cotton varieties and the urgent need for new solutions.

The next-generation GM seeds offer promising advancements over current varieties. Unlike the existing Bt cotton, which relies on a single protein strain to combat pests, new GM seeds incorporate multiple strains of proteins, providing enhanced protection against bollworms and other pests. These seeds also offer better weed management, potentially reducing the need for herbicides.

The adoption of these advanced seeds could address several critical issues. If new GM seeds improve yields to the 566 kg per hectare achieved in 2013-14, production could rise to 402 lakh bales. This increase would not only help stabilize production but also generate an additional $3.72 billion annually, enhancing the economic viability of cotton farming. Improved yields would boost farmers’ incomes by 31% due to both higher yields and reduced cultivation costs. Additionally, the increased production could add approximately $9.8 billion to the Indian economy each year.

India’s domestic cotton consumption has surged, growing from 154 lakh bales in 2002-03 to 315 lakh bales in 2023-24. This growth has fueled the expansion of the textile sector, with the market increasing from $50 billion in 2010-11 to $99 billion in 2021-22, and projected to reach $190 billion by 2025-26. Enhanced cotton production could further stimulate this sector, leading to increased yarn exports and higher fabric and garment production. The textile industry is a major employer, providing direct and indirect jobs to over 105 million people. An increase in cotton production and textile output could potentially create up to 3.5 million new jobs, further supporting the sector’s growth.

Failing to address the seed technology issue could have serious repercussions. Persistently low yields may force the government to increase the minimum support price (MSP), making Indian cotton less competitive globally. This could lead to reduced exports and increased fiscal pressure on MSP procurement. Moreover, the competitiveness of Indian cotton textiles in the global market could be jeopardized, impacting export goals and potentially leading to financial difficulties for the textile sector.

To fully capitalize on the benefits of next-generation GM seeds, several strategic and policy actions are required. The government must expedite the approval and rollout of new GM seed varieties. Ensuring policy stability and support for these technologies will be crucial for their successful adoption. Given the significant impact of GM technology on the cotton sector, it is essential to navigate the debates around trait fees and intellectual property rights (IPR) effectively. Ensuring fair and supportive policies will help foster innovation and adoption. Continued investment in R&D is critical for developing and improving seed technologies. Collaborations between government, research institutions, and private companies can drive innovation and address emerging challenges. Providing farmers with information and resources about new seed technologies, pest management, and best practices will be essential for successful implementation.

The introduction of next-generation GM seeds represents a transformative opportunity for India’s cotton sector and textile economy. By addressing current challenges and leveraging advanced technologies, India can enhance cotton production, drive economic growth, and strengthen its position in the global textile market. The potential benefits—ranging from increased yields and economic contributions to job creation and environmental sustainability—make a compelling case for the accelerated adoption of these innovative seed technologies. As India moves forward, embracing this technological advancement will be key to sustaining the growth and prosperity of its cotton and textile industries.

“India’s Semiconductor Quest: Overcoming Hurdles”

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Despite the challenges, India has significant opportunities to drive growth in the semiconductor industry. The global semiconductor market is poised for substantial growth, with projections indicating that it will become a trillion-dollar industry by 2030

Manoj Kumar Pathak

India’s ambition to become a global semiconductor manufacturing hub marks a significant milestone in its economic and technological evolution. The recent Semicon India 2024 conference, inaugurated by Prime Minister Narendra Modi, underscored the nation’s determination to capture a major share of the global semiconductor market. While this vision aligns with India’s broader goals of technological self-reliance and economic growth, the path to becoming a semiconductor powerhouse is fraught with multifaceted challenges. Addressing these hurdles effectively will be crucial for India to realize its aspirations and to leverage the immense opportunities in the global semiconductor industry.

Semiconductors are the backbone of modern technology, enabling everything from smartphones to automobiles. The complexity of semiconductor manufacturing involves a delicate interplay of technology, precision, and capital. Establishing a semiconductor fabrication plant, or fab, is an immensely complex and capital-intensive endeavor. The cost of building a new fab can exceed $1 billion, encompassing the expenses of cutting-edge technologies, sophisticated materials, and a meticulously controlled production process. The advanced technology required for semiconductor fabrication is not only costly but also subject to stringent international patents and licensing agreements, which poses another layer of difficulty for emerging markets like India.

A major impediment to India’s semiconductor ambitions is the lack of a robust and integrated supply chain. The semiconductor supply chain is a global network that involves raw materials, equipment, components, and testing facilities. Currently, India is heavily reliant on imports for its semiconductor needs. This reliance exposes the country to global supply chain disruptions and makes it vulnerable to geopolitical tensions that could impact supply availability.

The establishment of a self-sufficient supply chain involves more than just setting up fabrication facilities. It requires the development of ancillary industries that can supply raw materials and components, as well as the creation of advanced testing and quality assurance facilities. Without these critical components, India’s semiconductor manufacturing ecosystem will remain incomplete and inefficient.

Infrastructure challenges are another significant barrier. Semiconductor manufacturing demands a stable and reliable infrastructure, including power, water, and logistics. The construction and operation of a semiconductor fab require uninterrupted power supply and high-purity water. In many regions of India, infrastructure deficiencies pose risks to the stability and efficiency of semiconductor operations.

The logistics of transporting delicate semiconductor components also require a well-developed infrastructure. Efficient transportation networks and warehousing facilities are essential to ensure that components and finished products are delivered on time and in optimal condition. Infrastructure limitations can thus slow down the establishment and growth of semiconductor manufacturing facilities in India.

India has a large pool of engineering and technical talent, which is a significant advantage. However, the specific skill sets required for semiconductor manufacturing are highly specialized and not yet widely available in India. The semiconductor industry demands expertise in areas such as photolithography, etching, and doping processes, which are critical for the production of semiconductor wafers. Developing this specialized talent pool requires substantial investment in education and training programs tailored to the semiconductor industry’s needs.

Moreover, the technological requirements for semiconductor manufacturing involve advanced equipment and processes that are often patented and licensed from international entities. Access to these high-end technologies is essential but can be prohibitively expensive due to licensing fees. India’s current technological capabilities and infrastructure are insufficient to support the development and manufacturing of advanced semiconductor technologies on a large scale.

India faces stiff competition from established semiconductor manufacturing hubs such as China, Taiwan, and South Korea. These countries have long been entrenched in the semiconductor industry and have developed sophisticated supply chains, advanced technologies, and substantial investments in infrastructure. China, for example, has heavily invested in semiconductor manufacturing as part of its broader strategy to become self-reliant in technology. Taiwan and South Korea have well-established semiconductor industries with advanced fabs and significant global market shares.

To compete effectively, India needs to offer incentives that are comparable to those provided by these established hubs. This includes not only financial incentives but also support in terms of infrastructure, technology transfer, and policy stability.

Policy stability and the attractiveness of incentives are critical factors in attracting international semiconductor companies to invest in India. The Indian government has introduced various initiatives to support the semiconductor industry, including the India Semiconductor Mission (ISM). The ISM aims to provide fiscal aid, foster innovation, and build a strong supply chain. By offering incentives such as tax breaks, subsidies, and grants, the ISM seeks to create a conducive environment for semiconductor manufacturing.

However, there are concerns that the incentives offered by the Indian government may not be as competitive as those provided by other countries. To address these concerns, India needs to ensure that its policy environment is both stable and attractive to international investors. This involves not only offering competitive financial incentives but also ensuring that regulatory processes are streamlined and transparent.

Another crucial aspect of developing a robust semiconductor industry is fostering research and development (R&D) collaborations between academic institutions and industry players. India has a strong base of academic institutions and research organizations, but there is a need for more collaboration between these entities and the semiconductor industry. By promoting joint research projects and technology development programs, India can accelerate the development of cutting-edge chip technologies and stay competitive in the fast-evolving semiconductor landscape.

The Indian government and industry stakeholders should work together to create research partnerships and innovation hubs that focus on semiconductor technologies. These collaborations can help bridge the gap between academic research and practical applications, leading to the development of advanced semiconductor technologies that meet the demands of the global market.

Despite the challenges, India has significant opportunities to drive growth in the semiconductor industry. The global semiconductor market is poised for substantial growth, with projections indicating that it will become a trillion-dollar industry by 2030. India aims to be a major driver of this growth by leveraging its strengths in engineering talent, innovation, and strategic international partnerships.

Strengthening the Supply Chain : Developing a comprehensive and self-sufficient supply chain for semiconductor manufacturing is essential. This involves investing in raw material sourcing, component production, and testing facilities.

Enhancing Infrastructure : Addressing infrastructure limitations related to power, water, and logistics is crucial for supporting semiconductor manufacturing operations. Investments in infrastructure development should be prioritized to create a stable and reliable manufacturing environment.

Developing Specialized Talent : Expanding educational and training programs to develop specialized skills in semiconductor manufacturing will help address the talent gap. Collaboration between academic institutions and industry can facilitate the creation of specialized programs and research initiatives.

Improving Policy Incentives : Ensuring that policy incentives are competitive and attractive to international investors is critical. The government should continue to offer financial support and streamline regulatory processes to create a favorable investment climate.

Promoting R&D Collaborations : Fostering research collaborations between academic institutions and industry players will accelerate the development of innovative semiconductor technologies and enhance India’s competitive edge in the global market.

Leveraging International Partnerships : Strengthening international collaborations through initiatives like the QUAD Semiconductor Supply Chain Initiative will help India integrate more effectively into the global semiconductor ecosystem and access advanced technologies and markets.

India’s journey towards becoming a global semiconductor hub is both ambitious and achievable. By addressing the challenges related to supply chain integration, infrastructure, talent development, and policy incentives, India can position itself as a major player in the global semiconductor industry. Strategic initiatives such as the India Semiconductor Mission, combined with a focus on research and development, will play a crucial role in driving the country’s semiconductor ambitions forward. As India navigates these challenges and seizes opportunities, it has the potential to make a significant impact on the global semiconductor market, driving technological advancements and economic growth for years to come.

Ellora is not just a historical site, but a journey through India’s spiritual and artistic heritage

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Sanjay Kumar Pandey

here is truly no comparison between India and any other country. Every corner of this vast nation is filled with breathtaking natural beauty, where people find peace and serenity. One such stunning tourist destination is Ellora, located amidst the Sahyadri hills of Maharashtra. It stands as one of the most unique heritage sites in the country. Ellora is not only a remarkable example of ancient architecture, but it also tells a timeless story of religious devotion and cultural unity. The rock-cut temples and caves of Ellora have stood for centuries, symbolizing the peaceful coexistence of Hinduism, Buddhism, and Jainism. The most famous monument at Ellora is the Kailasa Temple, a monolithic structure carved out of a single rock, dedicated to Lord Shiva. This temple exemplifies the unmatched engineering and artistry of ancient craftsmen. Its design and ornamentation replicate Mount Kailash, the mythical abode of Lord Shiva, bridging the earthly and divine realms. Visitors are left in awe of the sheer scale and intricate carvings of this masterpiece. As one explores Ellora, scenes from the great epics like the Mahabharata and Ramayana are etched in stone, bringing to life gods, demons, and mythical creatures. In addition to Hindu art, Ellora also houses Buddhist and Jain caves. The ancient Buddhist caves exude an atmosphere of peace and meditation, featuring statues of Buddha in deep contemplation, inviting visitors to reflect on the deeper meanings of life.

The Jain caves, though fewer in number, are equally captivating due to their distinctiveness and artistic finesse. These caves display finely carved latticework and portray the simplicity and sanctity of Jainism, with depictions of Tirthankaras. This harmonious blend of the three religions at Ellora points to India’s pluralistic past, where diverse traditions flourished side by side. As the sun begins to set, the golden light playing on the temple walls makes the caves come alive, with shadows and stories from the past breathing again. Ellora is not merely a historical site; it is a pilgrimage of sorts, where visitors connect not only with ancient history but with divinity through stone. It stands as a living testament to human creativity and the enduring power of faith, continuing to inspire generations even today.

“AUKUS Pact: Nuclear Submarine Deal Advances Amid Criticism”

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In March 2023, the AUKUS nations revealed a detailed roadmap for delivering SSNs to Australia, marking a critical moment in the development of Australia’s undersea defense capabilities

Amit Pandey

On August 12, 2024, the United States, United Kingdom, and Australia signed an agreement that cements the transfer of Naval Nuclear Propulsion (NNP) technology to Australia as part of the AUKUS trilateral security pact. This agreement represents a significant leap in Australia’s efforts to acquire conventionally armed nuclear attack submarines (SSN), marking a turning point in the nation’s defense capabilities. The pact lays out the legal and technical framework for the transfer of submarine reactors, materials, and equipment necessary for the construction and operation of these advanced vessels. Having been tabled in the Australian Parliament, the agreement awaits formal approval before it takes effect, signaling a new era of military cooperation between these Western allies, driven by the shared strategic imperative of countering growing threats in the Indo-Pacific region.

The AUKUS pact, first unveiled on September 15, 2021, gained immediate global attention due to its far-reaching implications. The last time the United States shared such highly sensitive military technology was in 1958 with the United Kingdom under the Mutual Defence Agreement, underscoring the rarity and significance of the current collaboration. One of the central features of the partnership involves the transfer of High Enriched Uranium (HEU) to Australia, which, as a non-nuclear-weapon state, raised concerns about potential violations of global non-proliferation regimes. Critics questioned whether providing Australia with HEU for its submarines might undermine the existing nuclear non-proliferation framework. However, the August 2024 agreement clarifies these concerns by establishing a policy framework that ensures the transfer of HEU adheres to international non-proliferation standards, such as those outlined in the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT).

In March 2023, the AUKUS nations revealed a detailed roadmap for delivering SSNs to Australia, marking a critical moment in the development of Australia’s undersea defense capabilities. The roadmap consists of multiple phases, the first of which focuses on building the industrial infrastructure and training personnel necessary for submarine construction. Australian Navy personnel have already begun training aboard US and UK submarines, underscoring the importance of skill development in ensuring operational readiness. This process took a significant step forward in August 2024 when the Submarine Tendered Maintenance Period (STMP) began at HMAS Stirling in Western Australia. This phase allows Australian personnel to directly participate in the maintenance of nuclear-powered submarines, preparing them for future operational roles.

By 2027, the United States and the United Kingdom will deploy a rotational force of their submarines in Australian waters, a move designed to bolster deterrence in the Indo-Pacific. This Submarine Rotational Force-West (SRF-West) will consist of up to four US Virginia-class and one UK Astute-class submarines, reinforcing the region’s strategic stability. As Australia works toward building its own submarine capabilities, the roadmap also includes the delivery of three Virginia-class submarines to Australia by the early 2030s. Two of these submarines will come from the US Navy’s existing fleet, while one will be delivered fresh off the production line. This arrangement provides an interim solution to Australia’s declining undersea capabilities, which were further strained by the cancellation of a multi-billion-dollar deal with France for conventional submarines.

Australia’s aging fleet, currently composed of six Collins-class submarines, will be gradually replaced by the new SSNs, with the final phase of the roadmap culminating in the development of a unique class of submarines, SSN-AUKUS. This new class will combine British design elements with advanced American technology, creating state-of-the-art submarines tailored to Australia’s defense needs. The first of these submarines will be built in the UK, with subsequent vessels constructed domestically in Australia, further enhancing the country’s defense industrial base.

The new NNP agreement builds upon the foundational work of the 2021 Exchange of Naval Nuclear Propulsion Information Agreement (ENNPIA), which provided the policy framework for the exchange of sensitive information between the three nations. While ENNPIA was limited to information sharing, the 2024 agreement goes further, establishing the legal basis for the physical transfer of submarine reactors and related materials to Australia. The reactors, which contain sealed, welded HEU, are designed to power Australia’s submarines throughout their entire operational lifespan without the need for refueling. This approach ensures that the amount of HEU delivered to Australia will be tightly controlled, adhering to non-proliferation commitments.

As a non-nuclear-weapon state, Australia has repeatedly emphasized that its acquisition of NNP technology does not violate international non-proliferation agreements. Under Article 14 of its Comprehensive Safeguard Agreement (CSA) with the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA), Australia argues that the use of nuclear material for non-proscribed military activities, such as naval propulsion, is not a breach of safeguards. While the CSA does not explicitly mention nuclear propulsion, Australia is working with the IAEA to update Article 14, ensuring it explicitly covers NNP technology as a non-proscribed activity. Moreover, Australia has pledged not to enrich uranium or reprocess spent nuclear fuel, further assuaging concerns about potential proliferation risks. The agreement also includes safeguards requiring the US and UK to terminate the transfer of nuclear materials should Australia violate the NPT or any of its international obligations.

Given the sensitive nature of the technology involved, the agreement contains extensive security provisions to protect against theft, espionage, or sabotage. Stringent protocols are in place to safeguard classified information, and even the IAEA will not have access to sensitive details regarding the propulsion systems. These measures underscore the importance of maintaining the confidentiality of the technology being transferred, especially given its military significance.

While AUKUS has strong support from Australia’s two major political parties, it has faced criticism from certain factions of the political spectrum. The Australian Greens, for example, have raised concerns over clauses that allow the United States and the United Kingdom to terminate the agreement with just one year’s notice without compensating Australia. There are also concerns about indemnity clauses that make Australia financially responsible for any accidents that occur during the construction or maintenance of the submarines. Additionally, critics have questioned the costs associated with HEU transfers, pointing out that Australia has limited leverage over pricing.

Former Australian Prime Minister Paul Keating and former Senator Rex Patrick have also voiced concerns, arguing that Australia’s strategic autonomy is being compromised by aligning too closely with US and UK interests. Furthermore, there are practical concerns about the United States’ ability to deliver Virginia-class submarines on time, given the current industrial base challenges highlighted in recent Congressional reports. These reports suggest that the US submarine manufacturing industry is facing significant shortfalls in meeting its own navy’s demands, raising questions about whether the agreed-upon timelines for AUKUS deliveries are realistic.

Despite these concerns, the AUKUS pact remains a cornerstone of Australia’s defense strategy in the Indo-Pacific. The partnership between Australia, the United States, and the United Kingdom reflects a deepening of strategic ties that have endured since the Cold War. Australia’s alignment with US security interests has been a consistent feature of its foreign policy, and this is unlikely to change in the face of rising geopolitical tensions in the region. AUKUS not only strengthens Australia’s naval capabilities but also sets a precedent for other non-nuclear-weapon states seeking to acquire NNP technology without violating global non-proliferation norms. As the trilateral partnership continues to evolve, it will play a crucial role in shaping the security landscape of the Indo-Pacific for decades to come.

Rising Nuclear Threats in East Asia

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The continued presence of U.S. forces in South Korea also allows Washington to maintain strategic influence in East Asia

Zaheer Mustafa

The security situation on the Korean Peninsula has become increasingly precarious, with rising nuclear threats from North Korea and growing fears among U.S. allies in East Asia regarding a potential abandonment of American security commitments. This anxiety has only intensified following the collapse of North Korea’s brief rapprochement with the United States under former President Donald Trump. In 2024, Pyongyang officially designated South Korea as an “enemy state,” further escalating tensions in the region.

North Korea’s nuclear program has long been a central threat to regional stability, with Pyongyang testing nuclear devices multiple times and developing ballistic missiles capable of reaching the U.S. mainland. These advancements have alarmed South Korea and Japan, leading to calls for stronger defense measures. South Korean President Yoon Suk Yeol, in 2023, suggested that his country might need to develop its own nuclear weapons or request the U.S. to redeploy them in South Korea. While this does not yet reflect official policy, it indicates the growing concerns within South Korea about its national security.

Public support for South Korea acquiring its own nuclear weapons has grown in recent months. A 2024 survey revealed, for the first time, that a majority of South Koreans now favor nuclear deterrence over relying solely on the U.S. military alliance. This shift comes at a time when the regional security environment is more volatile than ever, with Russia forging a “Comprehensive Strategic Partnership” with North Korea. The possibility of Russian military assistance to Pyongyang has raised serious concerns in Seoul.

However, the prospect of South Korea developing its own nuclear weapons brings several key apprehensions. Analysts argue that such a move could trigger a nuclear arms race in East Asia, with North Korea accelerating its own nuclear program and potentially motivating Japan to pursue similar capabilities. The cost of nuclear development would also be prohibitive for South Korea, likely leading to its withdrawal from the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT) and inviting severe international sanctions. Moreover, continuing to rely on the U.S. nuclear umbrella may be a more pragmatic approach, as Washington’s security guarantees have long underpinned South Korea’s defense posture. Crucially, the U.S. itself remains strongly opposed to South Korea acquiring nuclear weapons, fearing that it would undermine American influence and the security framework in the region.

The Korean Peninsula’s connection to nuclear weapons dates back to the Korean War, when the U.S. threatened to use them to deter North Korean and Chinese forces. During the Cold War, the U.S. deployed tactical nuclear weapons in South Korea until 1991. South Korea’s pursuit of nuclear capabilities is also not new. In the 1970s, the Park Chung-hee regime launched a secret nuclear weapons program amid fears of U.S. troop withdrawal. Although the program was abandoned when South Korea signed the NPT in 1975, concerns over American security commitments have persisted, leading to periodic debates about South Korea’s need for its own nuclear deterrent.

The recent strengthening of North Korea’s relationship with Russia has further fueled these discussions. In June 2024, Russian President Vladimir Putin’s visit to North Korea and the announcement of mutual military assistance between the two countries alarmed policymakers in Seoul. Analysts have speculated that South Korea may seek its own nuclear deterrence in response to the deepening North Korea-Russia partnership.

Adding to the complexity, a state-funded think tank in South Korea, the Institute for National Security Strategy (INSS), recently published a report advocating for South Korea to acquire its own nuclear technology. Several conservative politicians in South Korea have also voiced support for this idea, while a group from the ruling People Power Party (PPP) has formed a forum to push for nuclear armament. Surveys show growing public support for this stance, with 44.6% of respondents in 2024 favoring nuclear weapons for South Korea, surpassing those who prefer reliance on the U.S. military.

Despite this growing momentum, significant obstacles remain. The U.S. has consistently resisted the idea of a nuclear-armed South Korea. In July 2024, South Korea and the U.S. signed an agreement to integrate their conventional forces and nuclear capabilities, but Washington stopped short of allowing South Korea to develop its own nuclear weapons. U.S. officials have expressed concern that South Korea’s nuclearization could lead to a broader arms race in East Asia and undermine the strategic balance in the region.

The U.S.-South Korea alliance, formalized by the 1953 Mutual Defense Treaty, has been the cornerstone of regional security for decades. American troops stationed in South Korea, along with the U.S. nuclear umbrella, have served as a deterrent against North Korean aggression. The continued presence of U.S. forces in South Korea also allows Washington to maintain strategic influence in East Asia. A nuclear-armed South Korea could weaken the rationale for U.S. military bases in the region and diminish American control over regional security dynamics.

Moreover, South Korea’s development of nuclear weapons could disrupt the delicate balance of power in East Asia, particularly with regard to Japan. The U.S. has long maintained a “hub and spokes” security arrangement with its East Asian allies, and a nuclear South Korea could prompt Japan to follow suit, thereby unraveling the existing security architecture. Given that American hegemony in the region has been underpinned by its nuclear supremacy, the U.S. is unlikely to support any moves by its East Asian allies to develop independent nuclear arsenals.

Another factor complicating U.S.-South Korea relations is Seoul’s deepening economic ties with China. In 2024, the two countries held a joint defense and foreign policy dialogue, underscoring their growing cooperation. China is also South Korea’s largest trading partner, and Beijing’s role in the Korean Peninsula is becoming increasingly influential. Some analysts have expressed concern that South Korea’s increasing alignment with China could complicate U.S. efforts to contain Beijing’s growing power in the region. South Korea developing its own nuclear weapons would further strain its relationship with the U.S. and increase its reliance on China, potentially weakening American influence in East Asia.

South Korea faces a challenging dilemma as it navigates rising threats from North Korea and concerns over U.S. security commitments. While the domestic push for nuclear armament is gaining momentum, the potential consequences—both economic and geopolitical—are significant. Developing its own nuclear weapons could destabilize the region, trigger an arms race, and diminish U.S. influence in East Asia. For now, the U.S. remains committed to preventing South Korea’s nuclearization, viewing it as a threat to the security order it has built in the region since the end of World War II. As tensions continue to escalate, the future of the Korean Peninsula remains uncertain, with the specter of nuclear proliferation looming larger than ever.

“India-Singapore Semiconductor Deal Boosts Strategic Tech Partnership”

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Singapore’s semiconductor industry is well-established, accounting for 10% of global semiconductor output and 5% of the world’s wafer fabrication capacity

Manoj Kumar Pathak

The recently signed bilateral partnership agreement on semiconductors between India and Singapore marks a pivotal moment in India’s strategic efforts to bolster its semiconductor ecosystem and reduce reliance on China. This agreement, formalized during Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s visit to Singapore, represents a significant advancement for India’s semiconductor industry and offers new opportunities for Singaporean companies in the Indian market. The Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) outlines a framework for collaboration aimed at strengthening the semiconductor ecosystems of both nations. For India, this is a crucial opportunity to leverage Singapore’s expertise in the field and enhance its own manufacturing capacity.

At a time when geopolitical tensions are rising in the Taiwan Strait and the South China Sea, the importance of building a robust semiconductor industry in India cannot be understated. China’s dominance in the global semiconductor supply chain has raised concerns globally, and India is actively working to reduce its reliance on Chinese imports. This partnership with Singapore is seen as a timely response to this challenge.

Singapore’s semiconductor industry is well-established, accounting for 10% of global semiconductor output and 5% of the world’s wafer fabrication capacity. Nine of the top 15 semiconductor firms operate in Singapore, making it a global hub for semiconductor manufacturing and research. The country plays a vital role in every segment of the semiconductor value chain, from integrated circuit (IC) design to assembly, packaging, and testing. Singapore’s robust infrastructure has allowed it to become a key player in the global semiconductor market, contributing significantly to its economic growth.

In contrast, India is a newcomer to the semiconductor manufacturing industry, heavily relying on imports to meet its needs. India currently imports around 80% of its semiconductor requirements, and the absence of a domestic manufacturing base has been a persistent challenge. The MoU signed with Singapore seeks to address this gap by providing India access to Singapore’s expertise and resources, offering the potential to reduce its semiconductor import dependency. This would not only decrease the import bill but also generate employment opportunities and stimulate economic growth within the country.

India has long aspired to become a hub for semiconductor manufacturing, but despite its strong base in semiconductor design, the hardware manufacturing side of the industry has remained elusive. Over the past 15 years, several initiatives and consortiums have tried and failed to establish chip-making facilities in India. The MoU with Singapore offers renewed hope, particularly in areas like talent development, knowledge-sharing, and managing semiconductor industrial parks. Singapore’s expertise in these areas, coupled with India’s abundant land and competitive labor costs, could encourage Singaporean companies to expand their operations in India, creating a symbiotic relationship that benefits both nations.

The significance of this partnership goes beyond economic considerations. In today’s geopolitical environment, the ability to produce semiconductors domestically is a strategic necessity. The ongoing global chip shortage, exacerbated by the COVID-19 pandemic, has highlighted vulnerabilities in the global supply chain and underscored the importance of reliable sources for semiconductors. Semiconductors are the backbone of modern technology, impacting sectors such as automobiles, smartphones, consumer electronics, and critical infrastructure. Ensuring a steady and secure supply of semiconductors is not just an economic issue but also a matter of national security.

India has introduced several attractive incentives to promote domestic semiconductor manufacturing and encourage global semiconductor companies to set up fabrication plants (fabs) within the country. These incentives align with India’s broader vision of becoming a global electronics manufacturing hub, reducing its dependence on imports from countries like China. In this context, the MoU with Singapore marks a significant step toward realizing this vision.

The global semiconductor market is expected to grow to $1 trillion by 2030, and countries that fail to establish their own semiconductor manufacturing capabilities risk falling behind in the global technology race. The semiconductor industry is resource-intensive and requires a highly skilled workforce—skills that are already in short supply globally. By building its own semiconductor industry, India not only aims to become self-sufficient but also to secure its position in this rapidly growing and strategically important sector.

The semiconductor agreement between India and Singapore holds immense potential, both in terms of economic growth and geopolitical strategy. By fostering collaboration between the two nations, this partnership helps India build a strong foundation for its domestic semiconductor industry while reducing its reliance on imports, particularly from China. Singapore’s established semiconductor ecosystem and technical expertise, combined with India’s favorable manufacturing conditions, create a powerful synergy that can drive both nations toward greater success in the semiconductor sector.

For India, the ability to manufacture semiconductors domestically is vital to its ambition of becoming a global electronics manufacturing powerhouse. As the demand for semiconductors continues to grow worldwide, this partnership with Singapore will play a critical role in shaping India’s future in the high-tech industry. The agreement not only enhances India’s semiconductor capabilities but also strengthens its position on the global stage, making it a key player in one of the most important industries of the 21st century.

Towards a Global Defence Player

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In the first quarter of 2024-25, India’s defence exports skyrocketed by 78%, reaching Rs 6,915 crore, a sharp increase from Rs 3,885 crore in the same period the previous year

Sharad Singh

India’s ascent as a formidable global defense player marks a significant shift from its historical role as one of the world’s top arms importers. For decades, India’s defence strategy relied heavily on foreign suppliers to meet its military needs. However, recent years have witnessed a dramatic transformation, driven by a concerted push towards self-reliance and indigenisation in weaponry. This strategic pivot is not just about reducing dependence on imports; it’s about positioning India as a key global player in the defence sector.

Over the past decade, India’s defence export landscape has undergone a remarkable metamorphosis. The nation’s defence exports have surged by an astounding 30-fold, a testament to the success of its indigenisation efforts and strategic policy shifts. This transformation, though significantly bolstered by offset obligations, reflects a broader trend towards self-reliance that has become a cornerstone of India’s defence policy. Key contributors to this export boom include indigenously developed assets such as the BrahMos supersonic cruise missiles and advanced artillery guns. These innovations have not only enhanced India’s military capabilities but have also captured substantial international interest.

Today, India’s defence equipment is exported to over 90 countries, with the United States emerging as the largest buyer. The changing dynamics of global geopolitics, characterized by an increasing emphasis on military modernization and capability enhancement, have created fertile ground for Indian defence exports. This evolving landscape has opened up new opportunities for India, positioning it as a significant player in the global defence market.

In the first quarter of 2024-25, India’s defence exports skyrocketed by 78%, reaching Rs 6,915 crore, a sharp increase from Rs 3,885 crore in the same period the previous year. This impressive growth underscores the effectiveness of India’s strategic focus on expanding its defence export footprint. The Indian government has set an ambitious target of achieving a turnover of Rs 1.75 lakh crore in defence manufacturing by 2025, highlighting its commitment to becoming a major global defence player. This target is not merely aspirational; it represents a strategic blueprint for the future of India’s defence industry.

The rapid rise in defence exports is supported by a robust partnership between the public and private sectors. This collaboration has been instrumental in driving India’s defence export success. For example, the joint venture between Boeing and Tata Group, known as Tata Boeing Aerospace Ltd, has established a state-of-the-art facility in Hyderabad. This facility manufactures aero-structures for Boeing’s AH-64 Apache helicopters and has already supplied over 200 Apache fuselages and other aircraft components. Similarly, Lockheed Martin’s partnerships with Tata Advanced Systems Limited have deepened economic ties between the two nations. One of these ventures produces over 200 empennages for the C-130J transport aircraft, while another has delivered more than 157 cabins for the S-92 helicopters.

India’s defence export portfolio is diverse and expansive, encompassing a wide range of products including missiles, artillery guns, rockets, armoured vehicles, offshore patrol vessels, personal protective gear, radars, surveillance systems, and ammunition. This broad spectrum of offerings reflects India’s capability to provide high-quality defence products at competitive prices, making it an attractive supplier for nations looking to enhance their military capabilities affordably. Moreover, India’s strategic focus on providing easier lines of credit and leveraging diplomatic relationships has facilitated its entry into emerging markets in Africa, the Middle East, and the Asia-Pacific region.

The United States remains a crucial partner in India’s defence export strategy, accounting for nearly 50% of India’s total defence exports. This strong trade relationship is driven by American companies sourcing systems, subsystems, and components from India as part of their global supply chains and offset commitments. The bilateral defence trade between India and the U.S. reflects a deepening of economic and strategic ties, showcasing the success of India’s export strategy. However, India’s approach is not limited to the U.S. market; there is a renewed focus on expanding defence trade with other regions, particularly Africa and the Asia-Pacific. These regions are experiencing a growing demand for affordable and reliable defence products, creating new opportunities for Indian exporters.

India’s journey towards becoming a global defence player is intricately linked to its 2014 policy on export promotion, which marked a significant turning point in the country’s approach to defence exports. This policy shift has laid the groundwork for sustained growth in defence exports, with the real impact expected to be felt in the coming years. As India continues to engage with countries eager to bolster their defence capabilities, its role as a significant player in the global defence market is poised to expand further.

The consistent progress in indigenising its defence sector reflects a new era in India’s defence strategy. The country’s focus on self-reliance, innovation, and global partnerships has positioned it as a key player in the international defence arena. India’s strategic emphasis on developing indigenous capabilities, combined with its expanding export footprint, signifies a paradigm shift in its approach to defence. The country’s growing role in the global defence market not only enhances its strategic standing but also contributes to global security dynamics.

As India navigates the complexities of global geopolitics, its defence industry is well-positioned to play an increasingly important role in shaping the international landscape. The rise of India as a global defence player is a testament to its strategic vision, innovative capabilities, and commitment to self-reliance. With a focus on expanding its export markets and strengthening global partnerships, India is set to become a pivotal player in the global defence sector, shaping the future of international defence and security.

 India’s remarkable transformation from a major arms importer to a global defence player is a significant milestone in its strategic evolution. The country’s emphasis on indigenisation, coupled with its growing export capabilities, reflects a new chapter in its defence strategy. As India continues to build on its successes and navigate the evolving geopolitical landscape, its role as a key player in the global defence market is set to expand, contributing to the country’s strategic objectives and the broader international security environment.

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