Ustad Zakir Hussain is a globally celebrated virtuoso of the tabla, known not only for his technical brilliance but also for his ability to transcend cultural and musical boundaries. Born on March 9, 1951, in Mumbai, India, Zakir Hussain is the son of Ustad Alla Rakha, another legendary tabla maestro. Steeped in the traditions of Indian classical music from an early age, Zakir Hussain has evolved into one of the most influential and versatile percussionists of our time. His contributions to music go beyond performance; he has become a cultural ambassador for Indian music on the global stage.

From a young age, Zakir Hussain demonstrated an extraordinary affinity for rhythm. His training under the guidance of his father and guru, Ustad Alla Rakha, instilled in him not only technical mastery but also an appreciation for the nuanced intricacies of the tabla. By the time he was seven years old, Zakir was already performing alongside his father, showcasing prodigious talent that hinted at the greatness to come. His rigorous training encompassed traditional compositions of the Punjab gharana, which he mastered while cultivating his own innovative style.

Zakir Hussain’s career spans decades and crosses numerous musical genres. As a tabla soloist, he has mesmerized audiences with his intricate improvisations and unparalleled command of rhythm. His collaborations with eminent Indian classical musicians such as sitar maestro Pandit Ravi Shankar and violinist Dr. L. Subramaniam have further cemented his legacy within the realm of Indian classical music. Yet, Zakir’s artistry extends beyond tradition. He has embraced fusion and world music, pioneering collaborations that have introduced the tabla to entirely new audiences.

A cornerstone of Zakir Hussain’s global acclaim is his involvement in cross-cultural musical projects. In the 1970s, he co-founded the band Shakti with British guitarist John McLaughlin and violinist L. Shankar. This groundbreaking ensemble blended Indian classical music with jazz, creating a sound that was both innovative and timeless. Shakti’s work was a precursor to the burgeoning world music movement, and Zakir’s contributions helped redefine how audiences perceive Indian classical instruments in a contemporary context.

In addition to Shakti, Zakir Hussain has worked with an array of internationally renowned artists, including George Harrison of The Beatles, Béla Fleck, and Mickey Hart of the Grateful Dead. These collaborations have allowed him to bridge the gap between Eastern and Western musical traditions, earning him accolades as a global musical icon. He has composed and performed for films and stage productions, further showcasing his versatility and creative genius.

Among his many accolades, Zakir Hussain has received the Padma Shri and Padma Bhushan, two of India’s highest civilian honors, for his contributions to Indian music. He has also won a Grammy Award and multiple other international honors for his collaborative works. Despite his global fame, Zakir Hussain remains deeply rooted in the traditions of Indian classical music, tirelessly working to preserve and promote its rich heritage.

Zakir Hussain’s legacy is one of innovation, dedication, and cultural integration. Through his extraordinary talent and relentless passion, he has brought the tabla to the forefront of global music, inspiring generations of musicians and audiences alike. His journey exemplifies the unifying power of music, transcending boundaries and creating a harmonious dialogue between diverse cultures.

Zakir Hussain was born on March 9, 1951, in Mumbai, India. As the son of Ustad Alla Rakha, a revered tabla virtuoso, Zakir Hussain was introduced to the world of music at a very young age. His upbringing in a musically rich environment laid the foundation for his future as a tabla maestro. Under the strict and loving guidance of his father, young Zakir embarked on a rigorous training regimen that would shape his musical destiny.

His early life was marked by an intense dedication to mastering the tabla. Ustad Alla Rakha instilled in him the importance of discipline, practice, and a deep understanding of the rhythmic complexities of Indian classical music. By the age of seven, Zakir Hussain was already performing on stage, captivating audiences with his prodigious talent and earning a reputation as a musical prodigy.

The 1970s marked a significant turning point in Zakir Hussain’s career. Seeking to explore new musical horizons, he moved to the United States and began collaborating with musicians from diverse genres. His partnership with sitar maestro Pandit Ravi Shankar opened doors to the international music scene. Together, they performed at iconic venues and festivals, introducing Western audiences to the intricate rhythms and melodies of Indian classical music.

Zakir Hussain’s versatility and willingness to experiment set him apart from his contemporaries. His collaboration with jazz guitarist John McLaughlin led to the formation of the pioneering band Shakti. This ensemble blended the complexity of Indian rhythms with the improvisational spirit of jazz, creating a unique fusion that resonated with audiences worldwide. Shakti’s music transcended cultural boundaries, celebrating the unity and diversity of global musical traditions.

Ambassador of ‘ Hindustani ’ Classical Music

As an ambassador of Indian classical music, Zakir Hussain’s influence extended far beyond concert halls. His dedication to preserving and promoting the rich heritage of Indian classical music earned him numerous accolades, including four Grammy Awards and India’s highest civilian honors: the Padma Shri (1988), Padma Bhushan (2002), and Padma Vibhushan (2023). His performances at prestigious events like the Nobel Peace Prize Concert and the opening ceremony of the Olympic Games showcased his ability to connect with diverse audiences and spread the joy of music.

Zakir Hussain’s innovative spirit was a driving force behind his success. He was never content to rest on his laurels or confine himself to traditional boundaries. Instead, he ventured into uncharted territories, collaborating with musicians from various genres and cultures. His work with Western classical musicians such as Yo-Yo Ma, and Béla Fleck, highlighted his ability to blend different musical traditions seamlessly.

One of his notable collaborations was with the Silk Road Ensemble, founded by cellist Yo-Yo Ma. This project aimed to explore the musical heritage of the historical Silk Road, bringing together musicians from diverse backgrounds. Zakir Hussain’s contributions to this ensemble added a unique rhythmic dimension, enriching the ensemble’s performances and recordings.

Beyond his performances, Zakir Hussain made significant contributions to music education. He founded the Ustad Alla Rakha Institute of Music in Mumbai, a center dedicated to preserving and teaching the art of tabla playing. His commitment to nurturing young talent ensured that the next generation of musicians continued to uphold and innovate within the traditions of Indian classical music. Through workshops, masterclasses, and personal mentorship, he inspired countless students to pursue excellence in their musical journeys.

Zakir Hussain’s approach to teaching was as dynamic and passionate as his performances. He believed in imparting not just technical skills but also a deep appreciation for the emotional and spiritual aspects of music. His students often spoke of his ability to convey complex rhythmic concepts with clarity and enthusiasm, making learning an engaging and transformative experience.

Zakir Hussain’s impact extended beyond music to the broader cultural sphere. His performances at prestigious events, such as the Nobel Peace Prize Concert and the opening ceremony of the Olympic Games, showcased Indian classical music on the world stage. His efforts to promote cultural understanding and unity through music made him a beloved figure across the globe.

His collaborations with artists from different musical traditions created a unique blend of styles that enriched both genres. These collaborations not only showcased the versatility of Indian classical music but also highlighted the universal language of rhythm and melody. Zakir Hussain’s ability to transcend cultural boundaries and connect with audiences on a profound level made him a true global ambassador of Indian classical music.

Despite his global fame, Zakir Hussain remained deeply grounded and approachable. Known for his humility and warmth, he was a beloved figure both on and off the stage. His ability to connect with people from all walks of life endeared him to fans and colleagues alike. He often spoke of his deep respect and gratitude for his parents, mentors, and the rich musical heritage that shaped his life.

Zakir Hussain’s personal values were reflected in his approach to music and life. He believed in the power of music to heal, inspire, and bring people together. His dedication to his craft, his innovative spirit, and his commitment to education and mentorship were a testament to his belief in the transformative power of music.

Like any journey, Zakir Hussain’s path was not without its challenges. The demands of a global career, coupled with the need to constantly innovate and push the boundaries of his art, required immense dedication and resilience. Yet, Zakir Hussain faced these challenges with unwavering determination and a positive outlook.

One of his significant triumphs was his ability to seamlessly integrate traditional and contemporary elements in his music. This approach not only preserved the essence of Hindustani classical music but also made it relevant and accessible to contemporary audiences. His work with the band Shakti and other fusion projects demonstrated his ability to innovate without compromising the integrity of the classical traditions he revered.

As we celebrate the life and legacy of Ustad Zakir Hussain, it is clear that his influence will continue to resonate for generations to come. His contributions to the world of music, his dedication to education and mentorship, and his role as a cultural ambassador have left an indelible mark on the global musical landscape.

In the wake of his passing on December 15, 2024, in San Francisco, the world mourns the loss of a true musical legend. Yet, his rhythms will forever echo in the hearts of music lovers, and his legacy will continue to inspire and guide aspiring musicians. Ustad Zakir Hussain’s journey was not just a musical odyssey; it was a profound exploration of the human spirit through the language of rhythm and melody.

Ustad Zakir Hussain’s journey through the world of music is a testament to the timeless beauty of rhythm and melody. His mastery of the tabla, his innovative spirit, and his ability to connect with audiences across the globe have made him a true legend. As we remember and celebrate his life, we honor not just the extraordinary musician but also the remarkable human being who touched countless lives with his music.

Zakir Hussain’s legacy is one of passion, dedication, and a deep love for music. His influence extends far beyond his performances, shaping the lives of students, collaborators, and audiences worldwide. His journey serves as an inspiration for all who seek to explore the boundless possibilities of music and its power to unite, heal, and uplift the human spirit.

Zakir Hussain, the legendary tabla player, is renowned for his exceptional virtuosity and innovation in Indian classical music. One of the most interesting aspects of his career is his role in popularizing the tabla on the global stage.

His collaboration with various Western musicians, such as John McLaughlin and the band Shakti, introduced the rhythmic intricacies of Indian music to a broader audience. This fusion of styles not only showcased the tabla’s versatility but also fostered cross-cultural musical dialogues.

Hussain’s ability to blend traditional Indian rhythms with jazz and rock elements has left an indelible mark on both the music industry and audiences worldwide, ensuring that his contributions to music will never be forgotten. His performances and recordings continue to inspire musicians across genres, making him a pivotal figure in the world of music

(Writer is the Managing Editor of The Emerging World)

Congress’s Political Struggles in Uttar Pradesh

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December 15, 2024

Congress’s woes didn’t end in 1967, in fact, this defeat was just the beginning of a series of political missteps that would eventually lead to its near-exile from UP

By Amit Pandey

In the world of Indian politics, few states are as pivotal as Uttar Pradesh (UP). With its massive population and diverse electorate, it has been the battleground for many of the country’s most significant political shifts. At the heart of this drama lies Congress—once the undisputed king of Indian politics, but now struggling to regain its lost ground in the state. Congress’s failure to capture UP again after its loss in 1967 has been a key reason for its long-term decline in the country. Despite its decades-long dominance at the national level, the party’s inability to adapt to the changing political realities in UP has left it languishing in the shadows. So, what went wrong? And more importantly, what lessons can be learned from Congress’s political journey in UP?

The 1967 Blunder:

The seeds of Congress’s downfall in UP were sown in 1967. Before this, the party had been in power in the state for over three decades, with little competition to challenge its authority. However, the 1967 election marked a critical turning point. Congress, despite its dominance at the national level, was unseated in the state, giving rise to a coalition government led by Charan Singh. This marked the first time in 35 years that Congress lost power in UP. But how did this happen? The answer lies in a series of internal issues within the party and its failure to address the emerging opposition wave.

One of the key figures involved during this time was Sucheta Kripalani, India’s first woman chief minister of a state. A well-respected freedom fighter, Kripalani seemed like the perfect choice to lead the state. However, her tenure quickly turned into a disaster. As Shyamlal Yadav highlights in his book At the Power: The Heart of Power, Chief Ministers of Uttar Pradesh, Kripalani’s leadership was undermined by constant internal struggles within Congress. She was beset by factionalism, and her inability to manage these internal dynamics further weakened her position. There were also accusations of corruption and caste-based politics during her tenure, which further alienated large sections of the electorate.

This was a time of significant political upheaval, both at the state and national levels. The rise of leaders like Ram Manohar Lohia and J.B. Kripalani (her own husband) in national politics had a direct impact on her political stability in Uttar Pradesh. Lohia, with his socialist ideals, was particularly critical of Congress’s policies, and his influence among the masses grew rapidly. His growing prominence was matched by the increasing disillusionment of the public with Congress’s authoritarian tendencies, which only worsened Kripalani’s position.

In the midst of this political chaos, Congress failed to recognize the growing opposition wave in UP. The party’s inability to adapt to the changing political landscape was one of the key reasons for its defeat. By the time the 1967 election results came in, Congress had lost its grip on power, and UP was no longer under its control. The formation of Charan Singh’s coalition government marked the beginning of Congress’s slow decline in the state. However, this defeat was not an isolated event—it was the first sign of a broader shift in Indian politics, one that Congress failed to fully understand.

From Emergency to Mandal

Congress’s woes didn’t end in 1967. In fact, this defeat was just the beginning of a series of political missteps that would eventually lead to its near-exile from UP. The party’s failure to recognize the changing political currents in the state continued through the 1970s and 1980s, culminating in one of the most controversial periods in India’s history—the Emergency.

In 1975, Prime Minister Indira Gandhi imposed Emergency across the country, which led to widespread political repression. The decision to suspend civil liberties, arrest political opponents, and suppress the press caused massive outrage, particularly in Uttar Pradesh. During this period, Congress’s authoritarian tendencies were laid bare, and many voters began to view the party with increasing disdain. In UP, this period of repression saw Congress lose significant ground, not just among intellectuals and urban elites, but also among the masses.

The imposition of Emergency led to a backlash in the form of the 1977 elections. The Janata Party, a coalition of anti-Congress forces, swept to power, and Congress suffered a major defeat. This was the first time that Congress lost the national elections since India’s independence. The 1977 election result was particularly damaging in UP, where Congress had already seen its power erode. The state was now firmly under the control of the Janata Party, and Congress was increasingly relegated to the political margins.

The post-Emergency period also saw the rise of new political forces in UP. In 1977, Ram Naresh Yadav became the state’s first OBC (Other Backward Class) Chief Minister, signaling the growing importance of caste-based politics in UP. This was a game-changer for the state, as it marked the beginning of a shift in the political landscape. Congress, however, continued to ignore these shifts. The party failed to recognize the importance of OBCs in the state’s politics, and this miscalculation ultimately led to its downfall.

The 1980s and 1990s witnessed the rise of two new political forces in UP—Mulayam Singh Yadav’s Samajwadi Party (SP) and Mayawati’s Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP). Both of these parties successfully tapped into the state’s complex caste dynamics, and by the time the 1990s arrived, Congress had become an afterthought in UP politics. Mulayam Singh Yadav’s Samajwadi Party emerged as a powerful force among the Yadavs and other OBCs, while Mayawati’s BSP found solid support among Dalits. Congress, on the other hand, failed to form any meaningful alliances with these groups and continued to alienate them with its outdated policies.

The Congress party, once the dominant political force in India, has seen a significant decline in its influence over the past two decades. A critical reason behind this decline is the party’s failure to retain and nurture its core support base: the families of freedom fighters and the grassroots cadre that loyally supported it during its heyday. This disconnect, particularly evident since the mid-1990s, has resulted in the erosion of the party’s organizational strength and electoral performance, especially in pivotal states like Uttar Pradesh.

The Exodus of Core Supporters

The Congress of pre-1995 enjoyed robust support from freedom fighter families and dedicated workers who viewed the party as a torchbearer of India’s independence and democracy. However, post-1995, a lack of engagement and recognition led to these groups feeling alienated. This exodus became pronounced in Uttar Pradesh, India’s largest and politically most significant state. According to electoral data, Congress’s vote share in Uttar Pradesh plummeted from 27% in 1991 to a meager 6.25% in 2022, reflecting its inability to connect with traditional supporters.

The issue was compounded by the party’s failure to tap into its reserve of retired government officials and bureaucrats who had been staunch Congress supporters. In states like Uttar Pradesh, Bihar, Jharkhand, and even Delhi, many retired professionals were once the backbone of the party’s organizational machinery. However, their loyalty was taken for granted, and no efforts were made to involve them meaningfully in decision-making or campaigns.

The Congress’s approach to leadership in Uttar Pradesh has been another critical misstep. Instead of broadening its leadership pool and empowering new voices, the party remained confined to a handful of leaders such as Salman Khurshid, Pramod Tiwari, and Rita Bahuguna Joshi. While these leaders were prominent figures, their influence was limited to a few districts, leaving the vast majority of the state without effective representation.

This narrow focus alienated potential leaders and cadres from other regions, leading to a fragmented and disillusioned organizational structure. For instance, the Congress failed to nurture leaders who could rival regional heavyweights like Mulayam Singh Yadav in Uttar Pradesh or Nitish Kumar in Bihar. As a result, it lost significant ground to parties like the Samajwadi Party (SP), Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP), and the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP).

The neglect of grassroots workers has weakened the Congress’s ability to mobilize support during elections. Unlike the BJP, which has built a vast and disciplined cadre through its affiliate organizations like the RSS, the Congress has no comparable mechanism. The workers who once mobilized voters and sustained the party at the grassroots level have either switched allegiance or retired, leaving a void that the party has failed to fill.

In 2019, for example, the BJP secured a staggering 49.6% vote share in Uttar Pradesh compared to the Congress’s 6.3%, showcasing the organizational disparity. While the BJP used its cadre to connect with voters on issues like nationalism and welfare schemes, the Congress struggled to even field candidates in all constituencies.

For the Congress to regain its lost ground, especially in critical states like Uttar Pradesh, it must address the root causes of its decline. This involves reconnecting with its core supporters, empowering grassroots workers, and broadening its leadership beyond a few districts. A systematic approach to rebuilding the party’s organizational structure, similar to its post-1977 revival under Indira Gandhi, is essential.

Failing to address these issues will only push the Congress further into irrelevance, leaving the political landscape increasingly polarized and dominated by regional and right-wing parties.

BJP’s Big Win

While Congress struggled in UP, the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) was busy making inroads. The BJP, which had emerged from the ashes of the Janata Party, capitalized on the rise of Hindu identity politics in the state. The 1990s marked the beginning of the BJP’s rise in UP, with the party capitalizing on the Ram Janmabhoomi movement. The movement, which sought to build a Ram temple in Ayodhya, resonated with large sections of the Hindu population in UP and beyond.

The BJP’s strong position in UP was solidified with the rise of Kalyan Singh, the first BJP Chief Minister of the state. Under his leadership, the BJP capitalized on the growing popularity of Hindutva, and the party began to emerge as the dominant force in the state. Kalyan Singh’s tenure was marked by the Babri Masjid demolition in 1992, an event that had a lasting impact on UP’s political landscape. The incident further galvanized Hindu sentiment in the state and provided the BJP with a solid political base.

However, it was under the leadership of Yogi Adityanath that the BJP truly solidified its dominance in UP. Adityanath, who became Chief Minister in 2017, has embraced a hardline Hindutva agenda and has taken bold decisions to reinforce the BJP’s hold on the state. His controversial decisions, such as renaming cities like Allahabad to Prayagraj and Faizabad to Ayodhya, reflect his commitment to pushing the Hindu agenda. Under his leadership, the BJP not only won the 2017 state elections but also delivered another resounding victory in 2022, making it clear that the party had cemented its place in UP for the foreseeable future.

Congress’s Missed Lessons:

Congress’s failure to regain power in UP is a textbook example of political stagnation. After its defeat in 1967, Congress failed to adapt to the rapidly changing political landscape of the state. The rise of caste-based politics, the growing influence of regional parties, and the appeal of Hindu identity politics were all trends that Congress failed to grasp. While the party continued to rely on its traditional base—particularly the upper-caste vote—it failed to connect with the emerging power centers of OBCs, Dalits, and Muslims.

Moreover, Congress’s internal strife, particularly during the reign of Indira Gandhi and the rise of her son, Sanjay Gandhi, further alienated large sections of the electorate. The party’s failure to project a clear leadership and vision for UP allowed regional parties to fill the void.

The rise of the BJP in UP also highlighted Congress’s failure to adapt. While the BJP capitalized on the growing appeal of Hindu identity politics, Congress failed to come up with a counter-narrative that resonated with the people of the state. The party’s inability to connect with the electorate, particularly the youth, is one of the key reasons for its continued marginalization.

What’s Next for Congress in UP?

The political history of UP is a sobering lesson for Congress. The party’s inability to adapt to changing times, coupled with its internal divisions, has resulted in its long-term decline in the state. While the rise of the BJP and regional parties like SP and BSP has reshaped the political landscape, Congress still has a chance to recover—if it learns from its past mistakes.

The key for Congress lies in understanding the changing political realities of UP and embracing new strategies that address the concerns of the electorate. Whether it’s forming alliances with regional parties, addressing caste dynamics, or engaging with the youth, Congress must find a way to make itself relevant again in the state. UP remains the most important political battleground in India, and if Congress hopes to regain its place at the national table, it must first win the war for Uttar Pradesh.

The Silent Collapse of Indian Education

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December 14, 2024

Experts argue that India’s education system suffers from a “quantity over quality” problem. While school enrollment rates have soared, thanks to initiatives like the Right to Education Act, learning outcomes remain abysmally low

Dr. Viswanath Pandey

India, a country with one of the world’s largest youth populations, faces an alarming educational crisis that threatens its future. Despite constitutional mandates and numerous reforms, the education system’s disparity in access, quality, and outcomes persists. At the heart of this crisis lies a lack of alignment between policy ambitions and ground realities, leaving millions of students grappling with systemic failures.

Experts argue that India’s education system suffers from a “quantity over quality” problem. While school enrollment rates have soared, thanks to initiatives like the Right to Education Act, learning outcomes remain abysmally low. As economist Usha Sunil says, “A classroom is only as effective as the teacher within it. Yet, in India, poorly trained teachers and rote learning methods dominate.” According to a recent ASER report, over 50% of fifth-grade students struggle to read second-grade texts. This alarming gap highlights the urgent need for qualitative investment in teacher training, curriculum design, and infrastructural upgrades.

Adding to the woes is the inequitable distribution of resources. Rural schools often lack basic amenities like toilets, clean drinking water, or functional classrooms. The digital divide further exacerbates this inequality. While urban schools swiftly transitioned to online learning during the COVID-19 pandemic, their rural counterparts lagged behind, exposing the stark gap in digital infrastructure. As political commentator P. S. Krishnan aptly puts it, “The pandemic turned an already uneven playing field into an impassable chasm.”

The crisis extends beyond primary and secondary education. Higher education institutions in India face criticism for being out of sync with the needs of the modern workforce. Graduates often leave universities with degrees that fail to equip them for employment. A National Employability Report revealed that nearly 80% of engineering graduates are deemed unemployable due to inadequate practical skills. This skill gap not only hinders individual aspirations but also poses a significant barrier to India’s economic growth.

Adding tension to this scenario is the political tug-of-war over education policies. Frequent curriculum changes based on ideological agendas and a lack of long-term strategic vision disrupt the sector’s progress. Meanwhile, rampant privatization has made quality education a privilege rather than a right. Private schools and universities often cater to the affluent, leaving marginalized communities to depend on underfunded public institutions.

To address these challenges, India must prioritize systemic reforms. Investment in teacher training programs, bridging the digital divide, and aligning higher education with industry needs are essential steps. Policymakers must ensure that education is treated as a public good, accessible to all irrespective of socioeconomic status. Only through such measures can India hope to transform its education system into a robust engine of growth and equity.

As India navigates this educational crisis, it stands at a critical crossroads. Will the nation rise to the occasion and harness the potential of its youth, or will systemic neglect continue to stifle generations to come? The answer lies in collective action and a steadfast commitment to reform—a call that can no longer be ignored.

India, often celebrated for its demographic dividend and its potential as a knowledge-based economy, faces a paradoxical crisis in its education sector. Despite having over 11 crore educators, the country struggles with over a million teacher vacancies, especially in rural and underserved regions. This glaring gap highlights systemic failures that threaten the nation’s aspirations for inclusive and equitable education.

At first glance, India’s teaching workforce of 11.3 crore appears robust. However, the NITI Aayog’s recent report exposes the grim reality of over one million teacher vacancies, disproportionately affecting rural areas. Schools in these regions often operate with just one teacher catering to hundreds of students, severely undermining individual attention and overall educational quality.

The pupil-teacher ratio (PTR), a critical indicator of educational quality, further illustrates the disparities. While India’s average PTR is 23:1, states like Bihar and Uttar Pradesh report alarming ratios of 45:1 and 29:1, respectively. Contrast this with Ladakh’s exemplary PTR of 7:1, and the regional inequities become stark. UNESCO’s 2021 report adds another layer of concern, citing PTRs exceeding 47:1 at the secondary level in some regions, making personalized instruction nearly impossible.

Inefficient recruitment processes exacerbate the teacher shortage. Delays in hiring and political interference in appointments often leave sanctioned positions vacant for years. Moreover, many recruited teachers lack adequate qualifications or training, further diluting the quality of education. Chancellor G. Viswanathan of Vellore Institute of Technology (VIT) has highlighted these inefficiencies, urging a systemic overhaul. “Political parties in India must take the education sector seriously. Without addressing recruitment inefficiencies, we cannot hope to achieve our development goals,” he remarked. The New Education Policy’s (NEP) emphasis on teacher training is promising but remains insufficient without effective implementation and funding.

India’s expenditure on education has remained woefully low, fluctuating around 3% of GDP—far below the global benchmark of 6%. This year’s allocation dropped to 2.9%, signaling a lack of political will. Viswanathan criticized this trend, stating, “In the last 76 years of independence, education spending has never crossed 3% of GDP. Without prioritizing education, economic progress will remain elusive.”

Comparisons with advanced countries like the U.S. reveal significant gaps. In the U.S., universities receive funding from federal and state governments, industries, and alumni, ensuring robust infrastructure and quality education. In contrast, Indian institutions—especially public ones—struggle with limited resources, affecting both access and quality.

The disparity in educational outcomes between states underscores the systemic inequities. Southern and western states, such as Kerala and Tamil Nadu, boast higher per capita incomes and better educational indicators, while Bihar and Uttar Pradesh lag behind. Viswanathan pointed out, “Kerala’s per capita income is around $4,000, whereas Bihar’s is less than $1,000. The difference lies in education.”

This divide reflects the consequences of inadequate investment in education. While states like Kerala have consistently prioritized education, northern states have struggled with policy inconsistency and resource allocation. Political leaders often prioritize short-term electoral gains over long-term educational reforms, perpetuating the cycle of inequality.

Corruption remains a significant obstacle in India’s education sector. From recruitment scandals to the misappropriation of funds, systemic corruption undermines efforts to improve educational outcomes. Viswanathan aptly described corruption as a “national disease,” emphasizing the need for accountability at all levels. “Unless we exempt education from corruption, progress will be difficult,” he warned.

The lack of transparency in fund allocation and utilization often results in substandard infrastructure and inadequate learning resources. Additionally, political interference in educational policies and appointments compromises meritocracy and efficiency.

Addressing India’s Education Crisis

To tackle these systemic issues, a multi-pronged approach is essential:

1. Increased Funding: Allocating 6% of GDP to education, as recommended by the NEP, is non-negotiable. This must be complemented by targeted investments in teacher training, infrastructure, and digital learning tools.

2. Streamlined Recruitment: Transparent and efficient hiring processes are essential to fill existing vacancies. Leveraging technology to monitor and manage recruitment can minimize delays and ensure accountability.

3. Focus on Rural Education: Special incentives, such as higher salaries and secure contracts, can attract qualified teachers to underserved areas. Improved infrastructure and living conditions in rural regions will also help retain talent.

4. Strengthening Public Institutions: Enhancing the quality of government schools and colleges is critical to reducing dependence on private institutions. Public-private partnerships can also play a role in improving access and quality.

5. Curbing Corruption: Strict monitoring mechanisms and punitive measures are necessary to address corruption. Public awareness campaigns can also encourage community participation in ensuring accountability.

6. Learning from Global Best Practices: Adopting successful models from countries like the U.S. can provide valuable insights. For instance, diversifying funding sources and fostering industry-academia collaboration can enhance resource availability and educational outcomes.

Statistical Insights

*World Comparison*
Education Level	India (%)	World (%)
Illiteracy Rate	23.56	14.00
Primary Education	88.0	91.0
Middle School	75.0	85.0
High School	50.0	75.0
Graduate	24.0	35.0
Master’s Degree	8.0	15.0
*Asia Comparison*
Education Level	India (%)	Asia (%)
Illiteracy Rate	23.56	18.00
Primary Education	88.0	90.0
Middle School	75.0	80.0
High School	50.0	70.0
Graduate	24.0	30.0
Master’s Degree	8.0	12.0

Reform is Priority

It is indeed surprising and concerning that, despite numerous educational reforms, the Indian government has failed to significantly improve student enrollment and retention in schools. One of the most glaring issues is the apparent lack of serious debate on this crucial topic within the Indian Parliament. The parliament, often referred to as the august house, has seemingly sidestepped in-depth discussions on the factors contributing to high student dropout rates and the severe lack of basic infrastructure in schools. This neglect has left many guardians disillusioned and hesitant to send their children to school.

One major factor contributing to this reluctance is the dire state of educational infrastructure across the country. Many schools lack proper classrooms, sanitation facilities, and teaching aids, which are essential for a conducive learning environment. When parents see these substandard conditions, their confidence in the education system erodes, prompting them to withdraw their children from school. This issue is exacerbated in rural and remote areas, where the government’s presence and intervention are often minimal. The result is a widening gap in educational opportunities between urban and rural students, further entrenching societal inequalities.

Moreover, the imposition of Goods and Services Tax (GST) on essential educational supplies such as pencils, erasers, cutters, and exercise books has added a significant financial burden on families. This tax policy is counterproductive, as it raises the cost of education for the already economically strained middle and lower-income households. Instead of making education more accessible, these taxes create additional barriers, making it harder for families to afford even the basic necessities required for their children’s education. This financial strain leads to a situation where many guardians, already struggling to make ends meet, are forced to prioritize survival over education.

The government’s approach towards education raises several critical questions. If the government is indeed serious about improving the education sector, why has it allowed such regressive policies to persist? Why hasn’t there been a concerted effort to address the root causes of high dropout rates and inadequate infrastructure? The introduction of NET 2022 was intended to streamline and standardize the process of qualifying teachers, but even this initiative has been riddled with issues such as paper leaks and exam mismanagement, further undermining trust in the system.

Experts argue that to bring about meaningful change, the government must focus on comprehensive education reforms that go beyond surface-level fixes. This includes investing in robust infrastructure, ensuring the availability of well-trained teachers, and revising tax policies to make educational supplies affordable. There should be a deliberate effort to address the systemic issues that deter parents from sending their children to school. Additionally, the parliament must prioritize education in its debates and policymaking. The future of the nation hinges on an educated populace, and neglecting this sector jeopardizes the country’s growth and development.

The Indian education system is in dire need of attention and reform. The government must address the infrastructural deficiencies, reconsider its tax policies on educational materials, and engage in serious parliamentary debates to find sustainable solutions. By doing so, it can ensure that education becomes a viable and attractive option for all families, thus securing a brighter future for the nation. The time for complacency has long passed; it is imperative that concrete actions are taken to overhaul the system and restore faith in the power of education.

India’s education sector stands at a crossroads. The systemic issues of teacher shortages, regional disparities, inadequate funding, and corruption demand urgent attention. As G. Viswanathan aptly stated, “To become an advanced country without education is impossible.” The government, political parties, and civil society must come together to prioritize education as a cornerstone of national development. Without decisive action, the dream of India as a developed nation by 2047 will remain an elusive aspiration.

(The author, former PRO of BHU, is renowned globally for his research book on Mahamana Madan Mohan Malaviya’s legacy).

Murder of Revolutions — Darius and Luther

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December 14, 2024

Dara Shikoh’s spiritual journey was deeply tied to Kashi (Varanasi), where he served as governor and undertook significant religious and cultural endeavors. During his tenure, Dara built temples and mosques, promoting an atmosphere of communal harmony

Swami Oma The Akk

On the evening of April 4, 1968, in Memphis, Tennessee, a man with hopeful eyes gazed at the setting sun. Standing on the balcony of a house, he envisioned a morning where the sun’s rays would shine equally on all faces, erasing the distinction between black and white. Centuries earlier, on August 30, 1659, in Delhi, a bloodied man in tattered clothes stared at the horizon. His anguished eyes seemed to question the sun, “When will you rise for justice again?”

Martin Luther King Jr. was born on January 15, 1929, in Atlanta, Georgia, to an upper-middle-class African-American family. His father, Martin Luther King Sr., was a Baptist pastor, while his mother, Alberta, was a schoolteacher. The King household prominently displayed a picture of Abraham Lincoln, the president whose efforts had technically ended slavery in America. Yet, the ground reality painted a different picture.

Centuries earlier, Dara Shikoh, son of Mughal Emperor Shah Jahan, was born on March 20, 1615, in Ajmer, India. Shah Jahan, whose empire generated an annual income of over 150 million pounds, lavished Dara with every conceivable comfort and opportunity for education. Shah Jahan envisioned Dara as a future emperor, but destiny had other plans.

Martin Luther King Jr. attended a good school, where most of his classmates were white Americans. Despite their camaraderie, there was an unspoken racial divide. King Jr. was barred from attending the grand churches frequented by his white friends and was instead relegated to a dilapidated one for African-Americans. His innocent question to his father about why blacks worshipped the same God in rundown churches was met with silence.

This segregation extended far beyond church walls. Throughout America and Europe, whites regarded blacks as inferior—untouchable and undesirable. As King Jr. grew older, he recognized the hypocrisy of a nation that claimed to be modern and civilized yet perpetuated systemic racism. The U.S. Constitution seemed more an instrument of punishment than a protector of personal rights and freedoms.

In Mughal India, Dara Shikoh was deeply influenced by his great-grandfather Akbar, who had championed communal harmony. Akbar’s court discouraged beef consumption, participated in Hindu festivals, observed fasting on Thursdays, and oversaw translations of Hindu scriptures like the Ramayana and Mahabharata. He even founded a syncretic religious movement, Din-e-Ilahi. However, his successors, including Shah Jahan, leaned toward Islamic orthodoxy. Despite this, Dara inherited Akbar’s spirit of inclusivity. He immersed himself in studying various religious texts, including the Quran. He was captivated by verses emphasizing universal truths and divine creation, leading him to believe that understanding the divine required knowledge from all faiths. While noble, such views were dangerous for a Mughal prince.

Fast forward to the 20th century, a figure from India—Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi—inspired political thought worldwide. Gandhi’s nonviolent resistance deeply resonated with King Jr., shaping his vision to eradicate racial discrimination. In 1955, King Jr., alongside Rosa Parks—whose refusal to vacate her bus seat sparked outrage—initiated a campaign against racial segregation in buses. What began in Alabama and Montgomery soon became a nationwide movement. King Jr.’s eloquence and heartfelt speeches captivated audiences. His words weren’t empty rhetoric; they reflected a lifetime of personal pain and resilience against racial injustice.

For African-Americans, King Jr.’s leadership symbolized a prophet’s arrival. But for white supremacists, his rise was an affront to their deeply ingrained beliefs. Similarly, Dara’s quest for universal truth and his rejection of religious orthodoxy made him a target among conservative factions in his empire.

Both men’s revolutionary ideas culminated in their tragic demise. King Jr. was assassinated on April 4, 1968, cutting short his dream of racial equality. Dara Shikoh, betrayed by his own brother Aurangzeb, was executed on August 30, 1659, marking the end of a vision for a pluralistic India.

The deaths of these visionaries highlight a grim reality: revolutions born out of hope and inclusivity often threaten entrenched powers. The murder of such revolutions doesn’t just silence individuals but dims the collective dream of humanity for justice and equality.

The annals of Indian history often highlight the stark contrast between the Mughal princes Dara Shikoh and his brother Aurangzeb, the former embodying inclusivity and scholarship, the latter remembered for his ruthless pursuit of power and religious orthodoxy. Dara Shikoh, the eldest son of Emperor Shah Jahan, was not only a favored prince but also a beacon of religious harmony and intellectual curiosity during the Mughal era.

In 1633 AD, Shah Jahan appointed Dara as the governor of Gujarat, granting him an annual salary of one crore rupees. Instead of using this wealth to amass power or luxury, Dara devoted it to intellectual pursuits, collecting books and gathering scholars from across the world. Recognizing his son’s passion, Shah Jahan gifted Dara a vast library, which became his sanctuary for exploring diverse philosophies and religions. Dara’s insatiable thirst for truth mirrored the spiritual quest of Siddhartha Gautama, as he sought solace beyond the material splendor of royalty.

Dara’s circle of friends and advisors reflected his eclectic interests. While politics was peripheral to his life, he surrounded himself with theologians, philosophers, scientists, and literary figures. His ability to immerse himself in different religious traditions earned him admiration and criticism alike. When conversing with Jewish priests, Dara appeared as one of them; among Christians, he exhibited an affinity for Christian teachings; and he became a devout Muslim among Islamic scholars. Yet, it was in the Vedantic principles of Hinduism—particularly the idea of Brahma’s omnipresence—that Dara found profound spiritual liberation.

A Spiritual Bond with Kashi

Dara Shikoh’s spiritual journey was deeply tied to Kashi (Varanasi), where he served as governor and undertook significant religious and cultural endeavors. During his tenure, Dara built temples and mosques, promoting an atmosphere of communal harmony. He also patronized local artists and scholars, elevating Kashi’s cultural and intellectual standing. It was in this ancient city that Dara encountered his spiritual guru, an Avdhoot Aghori Shaiv Sadhu, whose teachings profoundly influenced him.

Dara’s admiration for Kashi culminated in his Persian work, Majma-ul-Bahrain (The Confluence of Two Seas), which explored the similarities between Hinduism and Islam. Centuries later, the poet Mirza Ghalib, inspired by Dara, penned Chirag-e-Der, extolling Kashi as a city of unparalleled sanctity, offering answers to life’s deepest questions. For both Hindus and Muslims, Kashi symbolized a sacred confluence of faiths, embodying the ideals of unity that Dara cherished.

The 1640s marked the golden period of Dara Shikoh’s life. Shielded by his father’s affection, he revived the ideological revolution initiated by his great-grandfather Akbar, championing religious tolerance and philosophical inquiry. As governor of provinces like Gujarat, Bihar, Bengal, and Kabul, Dara authored several seminal works that underscored his commitment to interfaith dialogue.

His most notable works include:

Majma-ul-Bahrain: An exploration of commonalities between Hindu and Muslim beliefs.
Sirr-e-Akbar (The Great Secret): A commentary on the Upanishads and a tribute to Akbar’s vision of religious unity.
Diwan-e-Dara Shikoh: A collection of his poetry.
Hasnat-ul-Arifeen (The Beauty of Sufi Saints): A study of Sufi saints’ lives and teachings.

Dara’s crowning intellectual achievement was the Persian translation of the Upanishads, which he regarded as the pinnacle of spiritual knowledge. His translations bridged cultural and religious divides, offering Persian-speaking Muslims access to Hindu philosophy.

Dara’s vision of unity, however, clashed with his brother Aurangzeb’s rigid orthodoxy. Unlike Dara, who believed in the harmonious coexistence of religions, Aurangzeb sought to impose a singular, intolerant vision of Islam. Aurangzeb’s court was dominated by orthodox clerics, and his ambition led to a bitter fratricidal war. Dara’s progressive ideals and intellectual pursuits made him a target for his power-hungry brother, who ultimately defeated and executed him in 1659.

Dara Shikoh’s tragic end marked the loss of a leader who could have steered the Mughal Empire toward an era of unprecedented cultural and spiritual synthesis. Yet, his legacy endures as a symbol of tolerance and enlightenment, inspiring scholars and thinkers across generations.

In the words of Martin Luther King Jr., “We are all connected and should treat each other with love and compassion.” King’s philosophy, inspired in part by Hinduism, resonates with Dara’s belief in the unity of all beings. Both figures, separated by centuries and continents, shared a commitment to breaking barriers and fostering understanding—a lesson as relevant today as it was in their time.

Martin Luther King Jr. to Dara Shikoh

The narratives of Martin Luther King Jr. and Dara Shikoh resonate with a profound sense of injustice and the struggle for humanity amidst brutal oppression. Both figures, separated by centuries and continents, symbolize the fight against tyranny and discrimination, yet their fates illustrate the tragic consequences of standing against entrenched power.

In the United States, J. Edgar Hoover, the then-director of the FBI, perceived King’s peaceful campaign for the rights of American Dalits as a threat. King’s “Poor People’s Campaign” in 1968 aimed to eradicate poverty and challenge the capitalist structures that perpetuated inequality. Despite its peaceful intentions, the campaign was met with hostility from the upper echelons of society, who branded King as an extremist. His commitment to social justice placed him at odds with powerful figures like George Wallace, the governor of Alabama, whose feudal ideology epitomized the resistance to change.

Simultaneously, in 17th-century India, Dara Shikoh, the Mughal prince, faced a similar fate. Accused of heresy for placing humanity above religious dogma, he was tortured by the soldiers of his brother, Aurangzeb. On August 29, 1658, a crowd of Hindus mourned the sight of their potential emperor, stripped of dignity and subjected to cruelty. Dara’s only crime was his belief in a universal humanity, a stance that made him a target for those who thrived on division and fundamentalism.

Both King and Dara Shikoh embodied the struggle for justice and equality, yet both were met with violence. On April 4, 1968, King was assassinated, his death sending shockwaves through America. The outpouring of grief transformed into riots and unrest, as African Americans, feeling the weight of centuries of oppression, erupted in anger. The echoes of King’s voice for peace still resonate, yet the specter of hatred and discrimination that claimed his life lingers, morphing but never fully dissipating.

Dara Shikoh’s tragic end on August 30, 1659, mirrored King’s fate. As he faced death at the hands of his own kin, he imparted a final message of love and service to his son, Sipahr Shikoh. His severed head, sent as a cruel gift to his father, Shah Jahan, became a symbol of the brutal suppression of dissent. The burial of Dara’s head near the Taj Mahal, a monument to love, starkly contrasted with the violence that extinguished his life. This act of cruelty not only highlighted the depths of betrayal but also underscored the silence of those who once revered him.

In both cases, the voices of the oppressed were silenced, yet their legacies persist. King’s dream of equality has sparked movements that continue to challenge systemic racism, while Dara’s vision of a united humanity remains a poignant reminder of the cost of oppression. The shared bloodshed of these leaders—one in the streets of Memphis, the other under the peepal tree—speaks to the universal struggle against tyranny.

As we reflect on the lives of Martin Luther King Jr. and Dara Shikoh, we are reminded that the fight for justice is ongoing. Their sacrifices implore us to confront the ghosts of hatred and discrimination, urging us to uphold the values of truth, love, and humanity in the face of power.

(Swami Oma, the Akk, embodies spiritual wisdom, compassion, and transformative teachings for inner peace and awakening.)

Bangladesh Unrest, Turkey’s Shadow

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December 12, 2024

These protests, predominantly led by Bangladeshi youth and students, suggest a lack of understanding of the long-term repercussions of such movements

Shivaji Sarkar

The ongoing unrest in Bangladesh is not merely a conflict of religion; it represents a deeper and more complex confrontation, striking at the heart of India’s long-standing external affairs strategy. This turbulence threatens to undermine India’s geopolitical and economic interests in unprecedented ways. The situation escalated when Indian opposition leader Suvendu Adhikari led protests blocking goods vehicles heading to Bangladesh, highlighting simmering discontent over cross-border trade. In response, protests erupted in Bangladesh against Indian-made and exported goods—a striking, if not entirely rational, retaliation from a nation that relies heavily on India for economic and strategic support.

These protests, predominantly led by Bangladeshi youth and students, suggest a lack of understanding of the long-term repercussions of such movements. However, the alarming aspect is the Bangladeshi government’s inability—or unwillingness—to rein in these protests or articulate a clear stance. Adding to the unease are recent incidents involving Turkish-made Bayraktar TB2 drones monitoring Indian territories like Meghalaya and West Bengal. This development underscores a calculated and deliberate strategy, far beyond mere reactionary politics.

Surprisingly, this emerging threat does not appear to stem from traditional adversaries like Pakistan or China. Instead, it seems to be orchestrated by Turkey, which has been increasingly assertive in its influence over Bangladesh. Advanced surveillance tactics and the growing economic and military ties between Dhaka and Ankara point to a new axis of interest that challenges India’s regional dominance. This unfolding scenario is a bilateral concern and a harbinger of broader geopolitical shifts, demanding India’s immediate and strategic response.

Bangladesh-Turkey Nexus

The recent developments along the India-Bangladesh border, marked by the detection of Turkish Bayraktar TB2 drones, signify an alarming shift in regional dynamics. These drones, identified using transponder codes like TB2R1071, were spotted flying over Meghalaya and West Bengal. Controlled from Dhaka’s Bashar air base and reportedly deployed at the Zahurul Haque Air Force Base in Chittagong, their presence points to a growing pattern of UAV activity emanating from Bangladesh. The Bayraktar TB2, a cutting-edge Turkish-manufactured drone capable of extended flights, high-definition video capture, thermal imaging, and combat functionality, underscores the deepening defence ties between Turkey and Bangladesh.

The implications for India are profound, particularly given that Turkey’s growing influence in Bangladesh seems to be accompanied by a surge in anti-India sentiments within the neighbouring nation. The banned extremist group Hizb-ul-Tahrir has been circulating pamphlets in Dhaka, labelling India as an adversary and advocating for the establishment of a South Asian caliphate. These developments reflect a coordinated narrative aimed at fostering hostility toward India, further complicated by protests against Indian goods in Bangladesh. This situation presents a multidimensional challenge for New Delhi as it grapples with deteriorating relations and security concerns along its eastern border.

To address the tensions, India’s Foreign Secretary Vikram Misri recently visited Bangladesh. However, the damage caused by the escalating anti-India rhetoric, compounded by incidents like drone surveillance and hostile propaganda, has complicated diplomatic efforts. West Bengal Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee has also called on the Indian government to act decisively, urging the protection of minorities in Bangladesh, where Hindu communities have faced attacks across multiple districts following the political turmoil after Sheikh Hasina’s government lost power. Banerjee’s plea reflects growing domestic concerns about the humanitarian and geopolitical fallout of these developments.

The unrest in Bangladesh cannot be viewed in isolation; it stems from a complex web of historical, political, and diplomatic factors. Turkey and Bangladesh have maintained largely cooperative relations since 1974, with Turkey playing a significant role in Bangladesh’s state-building efforts. Over time, the partnership has evolved, with Turkey providing substantial aid and technical expertise. While their ties experienced a brief strain in the 2010s due to Turkey’s Islamist political leanings and open support for Bangladesh’s Jamaat-e-Islami Party, they have since normalized relations. This partnership has been further cemented through Turkey’s active engagement in humanitarian and economic projects in Bangladesh, particularly during the Rohingya refugee crisis.

Turkey’s growing footprint in Bangladesh, especially in the defense sector, aligns with Ankara’s broader geopolitical ambitions in South Asia. Its military exports, including the Bayraktar TB2 drones, exemplify how these ties could shift the balance of power in the region. While Pakistan and China have often been viewed as strategic concerns for India, the recent developments highlight Turkey as an emerging player whose actions could significantly influence the geopolitical landscape.

As the situation unfolds, India faces the challenge of navigating these intricate dynamics through a mix of diplomatic engagement and strengthened border security, ensuring its interests remain safeguarded in an increasingly volatile region.

Rift to Collaboration

The 2010s witnessed an unusual diplomatic rift between Turkey and Bangladesh, primarily driven by ideological and political differences. Turkey’s Justice and Development Party (AKP), under Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, adopted a political Islamist stance in 2011, forging ties with the global Muslim Brotherhood network, including Bangladesh’s Jamaat-e-Islami. This alliance led to tensions when Turkey criticized Bangladesh’s handling of 1971 war crimes trials. In 2012, Turkish President Abdullah Gül’s appeal for clemency for Jamaat leaders was dismissed by Dhaka. Matters escalated in 2016 when Turkey vehemently opposed the execution of Motiur Rahman Nizami, the Jamaat leader, prompting a diplomatic standoff.

Amid these tensions, the Gülen Movement became a point of contention. Following Turkey’s designation of the movement as a terror organization, Ankara pressed Dhaka to ban Gülen-affiliated institutions, particularly the International Turkish Hope School (ITHS). However, Bangladesh resisted, citing diplomatic norms and property rights. Instead of complying with Turkey’s demand to transfer Gülen schools to its Maarif Foundation, Bangladesh facilitated the sale of these institutions to local communities, navigating the issue without disrupting ties.

Despite these challenges, the economic and security interests of both nations encouraged reconciliation. The Rohingya crisis served as a turning point. Following the 2016 violence in Myanmar’s Rakhine State, over 600,000 Rohingyas sought refuge in Bangladesh, adding to the existing population of 250,000 undocumented Myanmar nationals. This humanitarian crisis highlighted the necessity for international cooperation, creating an opportunity for Turkey and Bangladesh to mend relations.

Turkey launched an active diplomatic campaign to bring global attention to the Rohingya issue through platforms like the United Nations, the G20, NATO, and the Organisation of Islamic Cooperation (OIC). Ankara supported Dhaka’s efforts for the safe repatriation of the Rohingyas and offered significant humanitarian aid. Turkish organizations, including the Turkish Cooperation and Coordination Agency (TIKA), the Disaster and Emergency Management Authority (AFAD), and the Turkish Red Crescent, played a pivotal role in assisting Rohingya refugees.

In Cox’s Bazar, Turkey established camps, hospitals, schools, and orphanages to alleviate the suffering of refugees and impoverished locals. TIKA distributed hot meals to 25,000 Rohingyas daily and provided medical supplies to combat the COVID-19 pandemic. Furthermore, Ankara supported Dhaka in relocating Rohingya refugees to Bhashan Char Island, demonstrating a commitment to long-term solutions.

The collaborative efforts significantly improved diplomatic ties. Visits by Bangladeshi President Md. Abdul Hamid and Turkish Prime Minister Binali Yıldırım in 2017 marked the normalization of relations. By 2021, bilateral relations had reached unprecedented levels, with high-level engagement across economic, security, and humanitarian spheres.

The evolving partnership underscores the ability of shared challenges, such as the Rohingya crisis, to bridge ideological divides. While the past decade revealed the strains between Ankara and Dhaka, the focus on mutually beneficial cooperation has ushered in a phase of strengthened ties, positioning Turkey as a key ally for Bangladesh in managing humanitarian and regional challenges.

Strategic Defence Partnerships

The burgeoning military and defence industry cooperation between Turkey and Bangladesh underscores a crucial dimension of their evolving bilateral relationship. This development connects with broader economic and political engagements, reflecting mutual interests that extend beyond commerce to strategic alliances.

Historically, Bangladesh has diversified its military imports from countries such as Russia, China, and the United States. Recently, however, it has increasingly turned to Turkey for advanced military equipment, aligning with Ankara’s ambitions to establish itself as a key player in the global defence industry. The collaboration gained momentum in 2013 when Turkey supplied Otokar Cobra light armoured vehicles to the Bangladeshi Army. Subsequent agreements, including a major 2017 contract awarded to Turkish Delta Defence for 680 light armoured vehicles, have fortified these ties. Further deals, such as the supply of medium-range guided rocket launchers by ROKETSAN in 2019, highlight the trust Bangladesh places in Turkey for critical defence systems.

Military training programs and joint exercises deepen this strategic partnership. Bangladesh’s naval forces maintain close links with Turkey, benefiting from advanced training facilitated by NATO-member expertise. The country’s most elite naval unit, SWADS, has received specialized training from Turkish counterparts, alongside support from South Korea and the United States. In 2019, Bangladeshi officials, including the Chief of Army Staff, actively participated in Turkey’s high-profile Winter-2019 military exercises, showcasing the growing defence rapport between the two nations.

Turkey’s defence cooperation with Bangladesh extends beyond weapons sales to modernization and peacekeeping missions. A contingent of Bangladeshi military personnel was deployed to Turkey in 2021 for advanced training, particularly in preparation for UN peacekeeping operations. Such exchanges are expected to grow, with Bangladesh expressing interest in Turkey’s expertise in sophisticated defence systems and high-quality training. The recent involvement of Bangladeshi army officials in Turkish Aerospace Industries and the Unmanned Aerial Systems sector underscores Bangladesh’s intent to leverage Turkish advancements in military technology.

However, this promising collaboration faces challenges. Turkey’s strained relations with its NATO allies, particularly following its acquisition of Russian S-400 missile systems in 2019, have led to significant sanctions. The United States imposed measures under the CAATSA framework, excluding Turkey from the F-35 fighter jet program and halting the export of critical components to Turkish defence firms. For instance, a $1.5 billion contract with Pakistan for T129 ATAK helicopters collapsed due to the unavailability of U.S.-made engines.

Such sanctions pose potential hurdles for Turkey’s defence contracts with Bangladesh. Although Turkey’s defence products offer competitive pricing and high functionality, reliance on imported software and engines from NATO allies could limit their feasibility. Despite these challenges, the defence cooperation between Turkey and Bangladesh reflects a strategic alignment driven by shared goals and mutual benefits, further solidifying their bilateral partnership within the broader regional context.

This strategic dimension, alongside economic and humanitarian collaborations, positions the Turkey-Bangladesh relationship as multifaceted and forward-looking, setting a foundation for enduring ties amid global geopolitical shifts.

A Critical Reflection

The ongoing developments highlight the urgency for comprehensive reforms that address the deep-rooted issues facing society today. From economic disparities to political turbulence, the challenges are multifaceted and require coordinated efforts from both policymakers and the public. It is evident that sustainable solutions demand not only policy changes but also a shift in societal attitudes and behaviors.

The role of leadership in navigating these challenges cannot be overstated. Leaders must exhibit a keen understanding of the complexities involved and prioritize the welfare of all citizens, particularly the most vulnerable. Political leaders must work toward fostering unity and addressing the concerns of marginalized groups, ensuring that no one is left behind.

Moreover, the need for informed public engagement is more crucial than ever. Citizens must actively participate in shaping policies and hold governments accountable for their actions. Engaging in constructive dialogues and supporting transparent practices will pave the way for a stronger democracy and a more equitable society.

In essence, while the road ahead is fraught with obstacles, there remains hope. Through collective action, open-mindedness, and a steadfast commitment to justice, society can move toward a future where everyone’s rights are respected, and opportunities are accessible to all. The path to progress may be long and challenging, but it is not without its rewards, especially when all stakeholders work in tandem toward common goals.

( Author is a Professor in Indian institute of Mass Comunication)

Ranchi : WhatsApp Number 9430328080 Launched for Immediate Grievance Redressal

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December 7, 2024

Sanjay Pandey

Ranchi: Deputy Commissioner of Ranchi, Manjunath Bhajantri, reviewed complaints received on the newly launched WhatsApp number 9430328080 aimed at ensuring prompt grievance redressal for the district’s residents. The review meeting, held at the Collectorate Conference Hall, was attended by district-level officials, Block Development Officers (BDOs), Circle Officers (COs), and representatives from other departments.

Department-wise Review of Complaints

DC Manjunath Bhajantri meticulously analyzed complaints received through the helpline and assessed their resolution status. He directed officials to expedite the resolution process and ensure accountability across departments.

CM’s Maiyan Samman Yojana Receives Maximum Grievances

Of the 80 complaints received under the Jharkhand CM Maiyan Samman Yojana, 42 have been resolved, while the remaining 38 are under process. Shri Bhajantri emphasized increasing awareness of the WhatsApp helpline at the panchayat level to reach remote rural areas.

Focus on Full Implementation of Abua Awas Yojana

The DC instructed all BDOs to prioritize the completion of houses under the Abua Awas Yojana. He called for regular progress reports and highlighted plans for a collective housewarming ceremony for beneficiaries upon successful completion.

Crackdown on Illegal Mining

Addressing complaints related to mining, DC Bhajantri directed the District Mining Officer to ensure strict legal action against illegal mining activities. He also instructed launching a special campaign to curb unauthorized mining in the district.

Strengthening Public Engagement

Reiterating his commitment to maintaining a direct connection with citizens, DC Manjunath Bhajantri urged all officers to engage actively with the public. He issued strict instructions for punctuality at block and circle offices, ensuring offices remain free of unnecessary gatherings.

Focus on Urban Management

While reviewing grievances related to Ranchi Municipal Corporation, the DC directed officials to address issues like streetlights, cleanliness, fogging, illegal parking, and waste management on a priority basis.

DC Manjunath Bhajantri proactive approach underscores his dedication to making the administration more accessible and responsive to public needs, ensuring efficient governance in Ranchi.

Two New Kendriya Vidyalayas Approved for Jharkhand in Giridih and Latehar Districts

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December 7, 2024

Sanjay Pandey

Ranchi: The Union Cabinet, chaired by Prime Minister Narendra Modi, has approved the establishment of 85 new Kendriya Vidyalayas (KVs) across India, including two for Jharkhand. These schools will be set up in Giridih (Dhanwar Block) and Latehar (Barwadih) districts.This decision was part of the Cabinet Committee on Economic Affairs’ Friday meeting. Union Minister for Women and Child Development and Koderma MP, Annapurna Devi, expressed her gratitude to Prime Minister Narendra Modi and Education Minister Dharmendra Pradhan for fulfilling the long-standing demand of the Koderma constituency for a Kendriya Vidyalaya. Minister Annapurna Devi highlighted that she had consistently advocated for the establishment of a Kendriya Vidyalaya in Dhanwar and was elated that this demand was met. Key Highlights of the National Plan: The project involves an estimated funding requirement of ₹5,872.08 crore over eight years (2025-26 onwards), with ₹2,862.71 crore allocated for capital expenses and ₹3,009.37 crore for operational costs. Currently, there are 1,256 functional Kendriya Vidyalayas across the country, including three international locations (Moscow, Kathmandu, and Tehran), serving 13.56 lakh students. Each new Kendriya Vidyalaya is designed to accommodate approximately 960 students, providing direct employment to 63 staff members per school. The addition of two new KVs in Jharkhand is expected to benefit the educational landscape by providing high-quality education in the region and generating local employment opportunities. The schools will adhere to the guidelines of the National Education Policy (NEP) 2020, ensuring innovation in teaching practices and infrastructure development. Kendriya Vidyalayas remain in high demand for their superior academic results, with students consistently excelling in CBSE board examinations. The newly approved schools in Jharkhand will bring these benefits to the children of Giridih and Latehar, supporting their academic and overall development. This initiative is seen as a significant step toward improving educational access and infrastructure in rural areas, aligning with the government’s broader educational and developmental goals.

Action Taken Against Former Pratappur CO in Government Land Mismanagement Case

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December 7, 2024

Prosecution Sanction Granted Against Revenue Inspector Narayan Jha

EW Correspondent Ranchi: Chatra Deputy Commissioner Ramesh Gholap has adopted a strict stance against negligent and undisciplined officers and staff in the district. Since assuming charge in Chatra, the DC has initiated departmental actions, including FIRs, against several errant officials. In a recent case, the former Pratappur Circle Officer, Nityanand Das, faced disciplinary action for allegations of irregularities in land management. These include unauthorized online registration of government land, issuing lump-sum receipts improperly, and displaying indiscipline, arbitrariness, and negligence in duty. A disciplinary case (Form K) has been initiated against him, with recommendations for departmental proceedings. The DC emphasized that such behavior violates the Jharkhand Government Servants Conduct Rules, 2001.

The Case of Revenue Inspector Narayan Jha

Revenue Inspector Narayan Jha of Pratappur Circle was implicated in a bribery case related to land mutation processes. A video showing him accepting bribes went viral on social media, prompting the DC to form an inquiry team led by then-Sub-Divisional Officer Surendra Oraon. During the investigation, the applicant from Babhne village in Pratappur Block alleged that Jha demanded money for facilitating the mutation process. Jha later confessed during questioning at his official residence that he was the individual seen in the video counting the bribe money. The inquiry also revealed that Jha was not the designated Revenue Inspector for the land in question. His involvement in tasks outside his jurisdiction raised suspicions of a larger network of officials and staff being complicit. An FIR was filed against Jha and other implicated individuals under relevant sections of the law. Prosecution sanction has now been granted in the case. DC Ramesh Gholap reiterated that the district administration has zero tolerance for corruption and negligence. “The viral video of a Revenue Inspector accepting bribes for land mutation led to a thorough investigation, where the accused admitted his actions. Prosecution sanction has been granted in this case,” he stated. The DC also highlighted irregularities involving former Pratappur Circle Officer Nityanand Das and recommended disciplinary actions against him for misconduct and negligence. Gholap affirmed that any complaints from circles would be thoroughly investigated and strict action taken against those found guilty. “Resolving public grievances and maintaining integrity in administrative processes are top priorities, the DC added.

Merger of DRDA into Zila Parishad Announced in Palamu

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December 7, 2024

EW Correspondent Palamu: The District Rural Development Agency (DRDA) has been officially merged into the Zila Parishad, as announced during the Zila Parishad Board meeting held on Saturday under the chairmanship of Zila Parishad President Pratima Kumari. The meeting took place at the Block C Auditorium of the Collectorate. Deputy Development Commissioner (DDC) and Chief Executive Officer of the Zila Parishad, Shabbir Ahmed, along with Zila Parishad Vice President Alok Kumar Singh, declared the merger in accordance with the Jharkhand government’s resolution number 2078, issued on June 10, 2024. Key Highlights of the Merger Formation of a Rural Development Branch: As per the Rural Development Department’s decision, a District Rural Development Branch will be formed to manage the schemes previously executed under DRDA. Integration of DRDA Employees: The 24 employees of DRDA will now be absorbed into the Zila Parishad. Their salaries will be disbursed following the conditions stipulated by the government. Streamlined Management of Central Schemes: With the merger, schemes earlier managed by DRDA will now operate directly under the Zila Parishad’s purview, ensuring better coordination and execution. Other Decisions Taken in the Meeting Revenue Collection: Defaulters will receive notices to clear their pending rents within a week. In case of non-compliance, rent with interest will be recovered through legal action, and shops will be sealed and reallocated to new tenants. Approval of Annual Work Plan: The Board unanimously approved the annual work plan for 2024-25 under the 15th Finance Commission. Departmental Reviews: The Board reviewed the functioning of various departments, including social security, supply department, education, social welfare, land conservation, and agriculture. The meeting saw the participation of various Zila Parishad members, block heads, and officials from multiple departments. This merger is expected to bring about streamlined management of rural development initiatives and efficient execution of government schemes at the district level.

Evaluation Meeting on Implementation of Aspirational District Program Concludes

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December 7, 2024

EW Correspondent Ranchi: Union Minister of State for Road Transport and Highways, Ajay Tamta, chaired a review meeting on the implementation of the Aspirational District Program at Circuit House, Circular Road, Ranchi. Key Highlights of the Meeting Review and Assessment: The meeting covered comprehensive presentations on progress in health, agriculture, animal husbandry, education, women and child development, financial inclusion, skill development, and rural infrastructure. Minister Ajay Tamta, emphasized identifying gaps in school infrastructure, reviewing the performance of government school students in major exams, and improving overall educational outcomes. Agriculture and Innovation: He stressed promoting advanced farming practices such as mulching and drip irrigation to enhance productivity. During his visit to Hesatu village, Panchayat-Gagari, Ormanjhi block, he toured a flower cultivation project under the National Horticulture Mission, led by progressive farmer Mr. Shashi Bhushan Sharan. The initiative, spanning five acres, showcases sustainable agriculture and contributes to rural livelihoods. Directions to Officials: Address the shortage of healthcare professionals. Accelerate projects in electrification, sanitation, and road development. Close infrastructure gaps in government schools and track higher education outcomes. Innovation and Development: Minister Ajay Tamta, praised the transformative efforts in Ranchi and encouraged stakeholders to strengthen their contributions to sustainable development in the region.The meeting witnessed the participation of key officials, including: Deputy Commissioner Mr. Manjunath Bhajantri Deputy Development Commissioner Mr. Dinesh Kumar Yadav ITDA Project Director Mr. Sanjay Kumar Bhagat Representatives from various departments, including education, agriculture, health, water and sanitation, and infrastructure. The visit and review reflect a commitment to addressing the region’s challenges while leveraging innovation for sustainable growth.

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